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Four Years Since the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War: A Data-Driven Reflection on Escalations Between Armenia and Azerbaijan

Four Years Since the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War: A Data-Driven Reflection on Escalations Between Armenia and Azerbaijan

It has been four years since the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War erupted, yet the region continues to witness significant escalations along the Armenia-Azerbaijan border. As with any modern armed conflict, the confrontation unfolds not only "on the ground" but also in the information space. At times, information warfare becomes even more critical, and can significantly impact the capacities of both sides. The events of 2020 and later escalations have left numerous traces in the information space, including news reports and official statements from both Armenia and Azerbaijan. While official statements are often biased — crafted to shape public opinion and support information warfare or disinformation campaigns — they remain valuable for analyzing long-term trends and the rhetorical strategies of the involved parties. Over time, we can now reflect more deeply on the war, subsequent escalations, and the role of information warfare, not only through personal narratives but through a data-driven approach as well.  Daily Reports on Escalations from the Armenian and Azerbaijani Defense Ministries, Smoothed with a 10-Day Average Access this daily updated tool here to stay informed on escalations along the Armenian-Azerbaijani border. If one selects all the news related to armed conflicts, border escalations, and reports of provocations from the official websites of the Armenian and Azerbaijani Ministries of Defense, a general trend of escalation and de-escalation can be observed, as depicted in Graph 1 (details on the data collection process can be found in the section "How We Counted" below). The horizontal dashed line represents the average number of reports issued by the Azerbaijani MoD from 2018 to the present used as a reference point since it was the Azerbaijani side that initiated several major escalations. The analysis of the graph reveals that Azerbaijan significantly outpaces Armenia in terms of information delivery, especially during pivotal events. Most peaks in news coverage related to escalations, such as the 2020 war and the 2023 military operation in Nagorno Karabakh, are dominated by Azerbaijan in the number of reports. Armenia only surpassed Azerbaijan in a few notable instances: during border escalations in May 2021, clashes in September 2022, and near Sotk in May 2023. Furthermore, Azerbaijan’s major escalations are often preceded by a smaller-scale military actions or information campaigns. These may aim to shape public opinion, justify military actions, mask troops' movements, or divert attention from the planned direction of attack. This pattern corroborates previous academic findings and media reports, including those from Armenia.  Azerbaijan’s offensive during the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, for instance, was preceded by an information campaign accusing Armenia of provocations, while the military operation in Karabakh in September 2023 was prefaced by both an information campaign and actual military actions. Analyzing the rhetoric of the defense ministries is also pertinent, as it reflects the official narratives used by both sides. This analysis is divided into two stages: the first from 2018 to 2020, highlighting events preceding and following the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, and the second from 2021 onward, reflecting changes in conflict dynamics and rhetoric due to the altered status quo. Figure 2 presents word clouds that illustrate the predominant themes in the rhetoric of the MoDs of both countries between 2018 and 2020. Word Clouds Depicting Key Rhetoric of Armenia (left) and Azerbaijan (right), 2018-2020 The Armenian MOD’s word cloud through 2020 predominantly reflects topics related to the 2020 war. It highlights three main themes: the actions and destruction of Azerbaijani military forces, the defense of Nagorno Karabakh, and efforts to reassure the public that the situation remains stable, albeit tense. The theme of UAVs, which became a crucial tool for Azerbaijan’s military advantage, also features prominently. In stark contrast, the Azerbaijani MoD’s word cloud for the same period reveals a focus on offensive actions. Reports are dominated by updates on the destruction of Artsakh Defense Army units, precision strikes, and the use of aviation and drones. Additionally, Azerbaijan frequently reported artillery shelling by Armenian forces on its territory, using these incidents to justify its retaliatory measures. A comparison of these word clouds reveals a significant finding: the Azerbaijani word cloud is notably denser than the Armenian one, reinforcing Azerbaijan’s dominance in the information space. The Armenian Ministry of Defense produced fewer, shorter, and more general statements, while Azerbaijan issued more frequent and detailed reports. Since the analyzed news comes from the English-language sections of the MoDs’ websites, we could expect these reports to be primarily targeted at an external audience. Thus, Azerbaijan’s  rhetoric appears to be more finely tuned for international audiences, whereas the Armenian messages seem more like direct translations of domestic communications, with less adaptation for an external context. Word Clouds Depicting Key Rhetoric of Armenia (left) and Azerbaijan (right), 2021-2024 The rhetoric of both defense ministries has shown notable similarities after the 2020 war. Both sides frequently emphasized armed clashes and small arms usage during escalations as illustrated in the 2021-2024 word clouds. The Armenian MOD often aims to refute Azerbaijan’s claims naming them as inaccurate, while Azerbaijan consistently frames its actions as responses to provocations from Armenia. Interestingly, Armenian MoD reports have highlighted a specific location of incidents involving the shelling of a metallurgical plant in Yeraskh by Azerbaijani forces in the summer of 2023. This under-construction plant, financed by foreign investments, has become a focal point in Armenian rhetoric. Armenia’s emphasis on this incident appears to be a strategic move to attract international attention and garner diplomatic support by underscoring the violation of foreign investor interests due to Azerbaijani military actions. This shift may indicate an evolution in Armenia’s rhetorical strategy, aiming to engage external actors more effectively — something that was challenging to achieve in 2020. Analyzing reports on escalations not only provides insights into general trends and helps unpacking each side’s rhetoric but also explores the relationship between different types of events. For instance, it is particularly interesting to compare the dynamics of Azerbaijani MoD reports on escalations with those on military exercises. This comparison is especially relevant given that military exercises are often used to prepare troops for specific operations and covertly concentrate necessary resources. There are several considerations to keep in mind. First, each military exercise is usually accompanied by several news reports on individual events, so one event may create a dense information flow increasing the number of reports and frequency of mentions. Second, it is plausible that the more significant and diverse the exercise, the more news it generates. Third, when real combat begins, reports on exercises typically diminish or disappear entirely, as frontline events take priority, even if the exercises continue parallel with military operations. Despite these caveats, we can reasonably assume that a decrease in reports on exercises likely indicates their absence, potentially due to preparations for or the onset of military actions. We can also argue for the reverse logic: the intensification of exercises may indicate both an increased focus on troop training and preparations for military actions. Recent wars and military operations offer numerous examples where exercises masked troop preparations and positioning for conflict. One only needs to recall Russia’s war against Georgia in 2008 or the start of the Ukraine war in February 2022. With this context, we compared the dynamics of Azerbaijan’s MoD reports on escalations with reports of military exercises by the Azerbaijani army and joint Azerbaijan-Turkey exercises on Azerbaijani soil. The findings are illustrated in the graphic below.  Daily Comparison of Reports on Escalations vs. Military Exercises, Smoothed with a 10-Day Average The graph clearly shows that, according to Azerbaijan’s own defense ministry, each major escalation was preceded by a period of intensive military exercises. Before the 2020 war, Azerbaijan was actively conducting training with its units. To be fair, Armenia’s defense ministry reports were also filled with news of exercises that summer,  reflecting summer-fall as a logical period for extensive troop training. However, when we contextualize this with the fact that every major military action by Azerbaijan was preceded by joint Azerbaijan-Turkey exercises on Azerbaijani territory, the connection between military drills and subsequent escalations becomes difficult to ignore. This is further evidenced by the presence of Turkish military units, particularly F-16 fighter jets and Bayraktar drones, in Azerbaijan during the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War.   Summary:  The data-driven analysis of escalations between Armenia and Azerbaijan since the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War reveals that: Azerbaijan consistently dominated the information space, issuing more detailed reports on escalations and military actions fine-tuned for external audiences, compared to Armenia. Major escalations are often preceded by smaller-scale incidents or information campaigns, as seen in Azerbaijan’s systematic narrative of Armenian provocations before both the 2020 war and the 2023 military operation in Nagorno Karabakh, which served to legitimize its actions. Post-2020, both parties have evolved their rhetoric: Azerbaijan has shifted from emphasizing offensive military actions to framing its military moves as defensive responses to Armenian provocations. Armenia has transitioned from focusing on the defense of Nagorno Karabakh to refuting Azerbaijani claims and highlighting incidents with international implications, increasing reliance on international diplomacy to counter Azerbaijan’s dominance. The military exercises, particularly joint Azerbaijan-Turkey exercises, often coincide with the build-up to major military actions. The presence of Turkish F-16s and Bayraktar drones during the 2020 war suggests that Azerbaijan leverages these exercises not only for training but also as preparation for military engagements, using military exercises as a tool for both tactical preparation and signaling. In conclusion, this analysis of open-source data demonstrates the complex interplay between military actions, information warfare, and diplomatic maneuvering in the ongoing Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict. While Azerbaijan’s dominance in both military and information arenas is clear, Armenia’s shifting strategies toward internationalizing the conflict, particularly by emphasizing incidents that affect foreign interests, highlight the multifaceted nature of modern conflict management. As the conflict continues to evolve, these trends underscore the importance of both military capability and the ability to shape the narrative in securing strategic advantage. The dynamics of escalation will likely remain intertwined with both military maneuvers and information warfare, with both sides continuing to vie for control over public perception and diplomatic support. ___________________________________________________________________________________________ How We Calculated This analysis relies on open-source data, meaning the information is not exhaustive and may be biased. For example, a single event — such as a military exercise — can be covered in a series of reports, each highlighting a different aspect adding to the frequency of mention. The shelling by the opposing side may be emphasized, while violations of the rules and laws of war by one’s own forces may be minimized. Nevertheless, despite these limitations, open-source data enables us to discern broader trends and gain insight into how rhetoric and information warfare are conducted. Dynamics of Escalations The data for analyzing the dynamics of escalations was collected from the official websites of the Ministries of Defense of Armenia and Azerbaijan. For consistency, the English version of the news section was used to scrape the relevant news pieces. To ensure accuracy, the news items were filtered using language models, selecting only reports related to escalations such as firefights, military equipment buildups, provocations, UAV incursions, combat operations, shelling, strikes, and destruction of equipment or just the reports aimed to refute the information/disinformation about the specified events distributed by an opponent. Further filtering was applied to retain only the news reports directly mentioning Azerbaijan as an opponent or the Artsakh Defense Forces as an ally of Armenia and Armenia and Artsakh Defense Forces as the opponents of Azerbaijan. The selected news pieces were then aggregated by day, allowing a clearer visualization of the trends in escalations over time. The general trend illustrates the number of reports concerning escalations daily, starting from January 1, 2018. The x-axis represents the months and years, while y-axis values and points on the graph reflect the number of reports from the MoDs of both countries. The lines on the graph represent trends smoothed with a 10-day average, allowing for better visualization of the messaging dynamics, rather than raw data. Word Clouds Word clouds were generated based on the filtered news reports from both MoDs, which were used to analyze the dynamics of escalation and de-escalation. The full text of the news pieces was used. The news pieces were initially categorized by topics utilizing a language model. In the next step, each topic's 10 most frequent words were selected to build the word clouds. Stopwords, settlement names, and regional references were excluded to focus on the rhetoric surrounding the actions of each side, rather than the locations involved. Military Exercises and Escalations Data on military exercises conducted by the Azerbaijani army was gathered from the Azerbaijani Ministry of Defense’s news reports and manually filtered. Only reports on exercises conducted by the Azerbaijani army on Azerbaijani soil without the participation of foreign countries were included. For joint Azerbaijani-Turkish exercises, only reports on training events involving both countries on Azerbaijani territory were considered. Each news item was counted as one exercise, though a single military exercise usually generated multiple reports. Notably, ceremonial events, conferences, and receptions related to the exercises were excluded from the analysis, focusing solely on reports concerning combat training or inspections of military units. The lines on the graph represent smoothed trends, allowing for better visualization of the messaging dynamics rather than raw data.   Iurii AgafonovResearch Fellow, Yerevan Center for International Education (YCIE), Scrapalyze Lab Main photo by Kate Mamyan
21:40 - 30 September, 2024
Animal trade: the uncertain destiny of animals imported into Armenia and the tacit consent of the state

Animal trade: the uncertain destiny of animals imported into Armenia and the tacit consent of the state

Between 2017 and 2022, nearly 4,000 wild animals were imported into Armenia from various parts of the world. The destiny of the majority of these animals remains obscure due to insufficient statistical records and incomplete customs data. The Ministry of the Environment of the Republic of Armenia (MoE), the Food Safety Inspection Body (FSIB), and in some cases, the National Academy of Sciences (NAS) and the Environmental Protection and Mining Inspection Body, are the authorities that issue permits and conclusions for the trade of wild animals, but they do not have access to comprehensive information about imported and exported animals. The customs service of the State Revenue Committee (SRC) similarly lacks comprehensive information regarding the importation and exportation of animals. This deficiency is attributed to what they describe as "objective and subjective" factors, including incomplete documentation in customs records.   From the Republic of South Africa (RSA) to private companies in Russia via Armenia In 2021, 45 giraffes were imported into Armenia. During the transfer, one of them perished, and another one died shortly after arriving in Armenia. The fate of the remaining giraffes is currently unknown. Several months following their importation into Armenia, agreements were reached to sell 30 of the giraffes. Re-export permits were issued for 12 of them to "Ovatsiya" LLC, based in the city of Tula, Russia. This company is involved in the retail trade of food, including meat and meat products. Another 12 giraffes were intended to be sent to “Yaltinsky Zoo SKAZKA” LLC. Additionally, permission to export the remaining 6 giraffes was granted to an individual undertaker Eduard Sergeyevich Khachaturyan. Khachaturyan's name has previously been cited in the media in connection with suspicious transactions involving the transportation of wild animals from Armenia to the Russian Federation. However, none of these transactions were completed due to a ban imposed by Rosselkhoznadzor of the Russian Federation in 2020. The ban prohibits the entry of animals from RSA, as well as animals sensitive to aphthous fever, into Russia.Giraffes were imported to Armenia by "Fauna Zoo" LLC, whose owners previously conducted animal trade transactions through "Zoo Fauna Art" LLC, which went bankrupt in 2017 and is currently undergoing liquidation. The bankruptcy manager, Samson Ghukasyan, informed "Infocom" that the area where this company is registered is mortgaged and will soon be sold. However, the sale is being delayed due to an issue concerning the status of the land. At least four government agencies in Armenia have facilitated this import transaction by issuing permits and providing favorable professional opinions. These agencies include the Ministry of Environment of the Republic of Armenia (MoE), the Food Safety Inspection Body (FSIB), the National Academy of Sciences (NAS), and the Environmental Protection and Mining Inspection Body. However, none of these entities offer complete information regarding the current status of the animals.   How is the Scientific Center of Zoology and Hydroecology of the NAS of RA involved in the importation of giraffes? Observations by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) indicate a significant decline in giraffe populations over recent decades. Studies from 1985 to 2015 reveal a decrease of 36-40% in giraffe numbers, attributed to increased human exploitation (anthropogenic factors) and habitat loss. Since 2016, giraffes have been included on the IUCN Red List with a "Vulnerable" (VU) status. The IUCN estimates there are approximately 68,293 mature individuals of giraffes. Since 2019, giraffes have been classified under Appendix II of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES). This placement further emphasizes the necessity to prioritize conservation efforts and protect these animals.  The Scientific Center of Zoology and Hydroecology of the National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Armenia submitted a written conclusion to the Ministry of Environment, stating that giraffes cannot survive in Armenia's natural environment. At the same time, the conclusion affirms that the facilities of "Fauna Zoo" LLC adhere to all international norms and standards of animal care, enabling the temporary housing of the animals on the premises. Thus, the scientific center did not oppose the importation of 45 giraffes without any scientific justification. In the official documents, the purpose of importing giraffes was stated to be for animal trade and breeding. In other words, the main purpose of importing the animals is further resale. In the professional conclusion of the Scientific Center of the National Academy of Sciences, environmental damage resulting from the importation, the impact of climate change on the animals, and the effects of keeping them in captivity were not considered. Observations by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) indicate a significant decline in giraffe populations over recent decades. Studies from 1985 to 2015 reveal a decrease of 36-40% in giraffe numbers, attributed to increased human exploitation (anthropogenic factors) and habitat loss. Since 2016, giraffes have been included on the IUCN Red List with a "Vulnerable" (VU) status. The IUCN estimates there are approximately 68,293 mature individuals of giraffes. Since 2019, giraffes have been classified under Appendix II of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES). This placement further emphasizes the necessity to prioritize conservation efforts and protect these animals.  The Scientific Center of Zoology and Hydroecology of the National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Armenia submitted a written conclusion to the Ministry of Environment, stating that giraffes cannot survive in Armenia's natural environment. At the same time, the conclusion affirms that the facilities of "Fauna Zoo" LLC adhere to all international norms and standards of animal care, enabling the temporary housing of the animals on the premises. Thus, the scientific center did not oppose the importation of 45 giraffes without any scientific justification. In the official documents, the purpose of importing giraffes was stated to be for animal trade and breeding. In other words, the main purpose of importing the animals is further resale. In the professional conclusion of the Scientific Center of the National Academy of Sciences, environmental damage resulting from the importation, the impact of climate change on the animals, and the effects of keeping them in captivity were not considered.   Giraffes and other wildlife, unseen and unheard In 2021, efforts were made to determine the whereabouts and living conditions of the 43 giraffes imported into Armenia. Despite repeated attempts to contact the “Fauna Zoo” company, our inquiries were unsuccessful as they refused to respond to our questions.The "Fauna Zoo" is registered at 148 G. Mahari Street (Erebuni administrative district). This address is stated in all documents as the location of animal importation. Assuming that the giraffes brought from RSA are housed at this address, we submitted a written request to the FSIB in 2022 regarding the animals kept in the area.The FSIB didn't provide specific numbers for the giraffes, but they did mention giraffes, zebras, goats, tigers, lions, monkeys, parrots, and rhinos being housed at the address. That's the latest update we have on the giraffes at 148 G. Mahari Street. However, when we pressed for further information, both the FSBI and EPMIB stonewalled us, saying they needed written consent from the company. Our visit to the premises of "Fauna Zoo" LLC yielded no new information. G. Mahari Street is a residential area, a typical street in Yerevan. Surprisingly, even the residents of the neighborhood are unaware of the presence of wild animals living nearby. They have neither seen, heard, nor sensed the presence of such a large number of animals in their vicinity. This is despite the fact that, according to data from the SRC, MoE, and FSIB, there are supposedly 43 giraffes, 20 zebras, 49 ibex, 20 crocodiles, 20 caracals, 20 servals, 20 genets, lions, and tigers kept in this area.   Unveiling the official data According to the data provided by the SRC, 3,941 wild and exotic animals with different conservation statuses were imported to Armenia from different countries in 2017-2022. Due to the lack of complete records, the fate, status, location and conditions of most of these animals are unknown. Quantity and customs value of wild animals imported to and exported from Armenia, 2017-2023 Only 703 of the imported animals, mostly small birds, were exported. Put differently, official data indicates there should be 3,238 imported animals in Armenia. However, no state institution, including the MoE, responsible for issuing animal import permits, provides complete information about the location and status of these animals. Dashboard 1 (3) Some of the imported animals, sought for entertainment purposes, can be found in various private spaces. For instance, they are housed in the residence of former NA deputy Gagik Tsarukyan, or in the "Hrashk Aygi" restaurant. According to the state register, the restaurant's owner is the son of former Prime Minister Hovik Abrahamyan's driver. Monkeys, for instance, have become readily available for purchase in Armenia. Furthermore, influencers also play a role in the sale of animals.     “The convention is aimed at protecting wildlife, not promoting their trade” The main import partner countries to Armenia are the RSA (18 animal species) and Benin (16 animal species). These African countries are known for their rich wildlife, but also for poachers and animal traffickers. The Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) categorizes animal species into three appendices based on their level of threat: Appendices I, II, and III. In Appendix I are endangered animal species, and the transportation of these specimens is permitted only under exceptional circumstances. The CITES permit is issued by both the exporting and importing countries. Species listed in Appendix II are endangered and require constant monitoring. The CITES permit is issued solely by the exporting country. Animal species listed in Appendix III are less endangered, but their transport is still regulated and documented, with no permit required. Between 2017 and 2022, Armenia imported 9 endangered (Appendix I) and 32 threatened (Appendix II) animal species. The remaining animal species either fall under Appendix III or have not yet been listed in the Convention. The purpose of the Convention is frequently misunderstood and misinterpreted, particularly in Armenia and the African countries, which are common sources of imported animals. Maria Vorontsova, a candidate of biological sciences and international expert, and a regular participant in UN Conferences of Parties, explains: "This convention was established when it became evident that animals were being extracted from nature and transported globally. CITES serves as the document that regulates and aims to mitigate this process. CITES primarily deals with cross-border transportation. Many people mistakenly view it as a trade convention, but that's not the case. Its main focus is on regulating the movement of wildlife across borders, with the aim of protecting wildlife rather than promoting trade. CITES countries are required to have domestic legislation that either matches or exceeds the standards set by the Convention. For instance, Australia, home to numerous parrot species, has implemented a complete ban on their export as a means to reinforce CITES regulations. The convention doesn't mandate such action, but Australia takes pride in its fauna and sees no reason to remove parrots from the country. Experience has shown that exporting them typically leads to unfavorable outcomes—they often perish." According to another expert, Iman Memarian, a veterinarian consultant with European Association of Zoos and Aquaria (EAZA), there is also a significant risk of corruption in animal trade. "Unfortunately, the Convention doesn't assess the conditions of captivity or the country's overall capacity to care for the animals. Corruption is prevalent, even prior to licensing."   Animals resold at prices substantially lower than their original purchase cost Instances where animals can be traced through customs data often reveal suspicious business transactions. For example, in 2020, four African marabou were imported from Benin, with a total customs value of 647,400 AMD, equating to 168,600 AMD per bird. The following year, ten more marabou were imported, valued at 1,082,000 AMD in customs value, making the cost of each bird 108,260 AMD.  Seven of these birds were exported to Ukraine at a significantly lower customs value, priced at 35,800 drams each, totaling 250,840 drams. In other words, the selling price is several times lower than the import price. Such a significant price gap suggests less of a profitable business venture and more of a charitable endeavor or financial loss. This transaction likely involved "Yerznkyan Zoo Center" LLC, as export permits indicate that this company obtained re-export authorization for 7 African marabou birds from the Ministry of Environment in 2021. This circumstance should have prompted the SRC to thoroughly and efficiently investigate the import and export data for the same item. Such a significant price difference between imports and exports may suggest a risk of tax evasion.   Who bears ultimate responsibility? The issue of wild animal trade and Armenia's involvement in it could be a subject of continuous study and discussion, given numerous incidents like the disappearance of the 43 giraffes. Yet, the most pressing question remains unanswered: where are these animals now, and in what condition do they find themselves? It appears that both local and international legal regulations have tasked state bodies with providing answers to this question. However, the available facts do not shed light on the matter. The CITES establishes universal regulations and standards governing the global transportation of wild animals, leading to the establishment of permit-granting systems within individual countries. Oversight of this system falls to the respective state authorities. In Armenia, the Ministry of Environment serves as the coordinating body, while scientific guidance is provided by the National Academy of Sciences. The Ministry's issuance of numerous permits for the import and export of protected wild animals is evidently a concerning factor with potential environmental repercussions. Many cases of animals being exploited for entertainment or private trade have been documented in Armenia, highlighting the apparent indifference of the Ministry of Environment and other relevant authorities. For instance, the FSIB and Environmental Protection and Mining Inspection Body decline to disclose information regarding the quantity and welfare of animals housed within the premises of "Fauna Zoo" LLC. The National Academy of Sciences, which provided a favorable professional opinion for the importation of large quantities of wild animals without scientific justification, and the Customs Service of the State Revenue Committee, which permits the transportation of animals across borders without sufficient supervision. In essence, the CITES Convention primarily concerns the cross-border movement of wild animals, suggesting that permits should only be granted in cases of dire necessity, rather than for commercial or business motives. It’s remarkable that Armenia's governmental institutions deviate from the core tenets of the Convention; instead, they permit and even facilitate numerous transfers of wild animals, leveraging their authority to issue CITES permits. It appears that the convention grants each country the autonomy to establish and adhere to its own regulatory framework. Undoubtedly, there is a significant population of animals already held in captivity under substandard conditions within the country. However, this inadequately regulated trade continues to fuel their numbers.   Author: Mariam Tashchyan Infographics: Bibinur Bolotkanova Mentor: Kate Mamyan
20:11 - 28 February, 2024
Suspect Donations and Unidentified Sources of the Ruling Civil Contract's Election Campaign Finances

Suspect Donations and Unidentified Sources of the Ruling Civil Contract's Election Campaign Finances

On a scorching summer day, July 31, 2023, Karine (name changed) strolled through downtown Yerevan in the company of her acquaintance, Gevorg (name changed). Upon reaching the Armeconombank branch on Aram Street, Gevorg asked Karine if she had her ID on her. Upon her affirmative reply, he proposed heading to the bank for a transaction that necessitated an identity card. In a moment of trust, Karine agreed. As they approached the entrance of Armeconombank, Gevorg requested Karine to wait outside, taking her ID card with him as he entered the bank. Shortly after, he reemerged and instructed Karine to go inside, telling her that a man would be there to guide her on the next steps. "I approached that man, the employee gave him a receipt, and he handed it to me to sign. It turned out to be a bank receipt. While signing, I noticed that I was transferring 2.5 million AMD (approximately 6200 USD) to the Civil Contract party," says Karine. After leaving the bank, worried about the transaction she just made, she sought reassurance from Gevorg about potential issues. In response, he advised her to simply claim ignorance if anyone ever questioned the transaction. In reality, Karine unwillingly became one of the donors of the Civil Contract's election campaign on the eve of the 2023 Yerevan Council of Elders elections. Interestingly, she is not alone in finding herself in such a predicament. Throughout this investigation, Infocom examined and identified nearly all individuals who contributed donations exceeding 1 million AMD. Our findings show that the transactions associated with the election campaign of the ruling Civil Contract party are suspicious, with some of the finances having an undisclosed origin. Karine's ID card and signature were exploited to channel funds of unverified origin into the Civil Contract party's account. The timing of this bank transaction on July 31, 2023, aligns with the date of the party's fundraising event for the election campaign. Interestingly, the Civil Contract party did not release a public statement prior to the fundraising event. A few days later, Armen Pambukhchyan, the head of the party's pre-election headquarters and now the first deputy mayor of Yerevan, posted on his Facebook page: "Through contributions from 987 donors, we gathered a total of 506,532,950 AMD.” Nevertheless, the Civil Contract party did not disclose the identities of the "987 donors" throughout the pre-election period, the elections, or immediately afterward. Despite requests from Infocom and several other media outlets seeking a list of donors, the party consistently declined to provide such information. Approximately five months after the elections, on December 22, the party finally shared the names of the donors. Notably, this happened after the Freedom of Information Center of Armenia (FOICA), leveraging Infocom's application, submitted two additional requests of a similar nature to the Civil Contract. Receiving no response, on December 4, they initiated legal action against the party, demanding access to the list. A settlement agreement was subsequently reached between the party and FOICA on January 8, wherein the party committed to providing the information requested in the lawsuit. In contradiction to the figures provided by Armen Pambukhchyan, the donor list forwarded to Infocom comprised contributions amounting to 509,085,950 drams (approximately 1,264,242 USD) from 996 individuals—nine more than the initially disclosed number. — "When I saw the sum, I couldn't get how I could contribute so much with my salary. Then I wondered, if I am not transferring the money now, where will they get this money from?" These were the questions swirling in Karine's mind as we spoke. Seeing her name listed as a donor, she became genuinely distressed, expressing her reluctance to be associated with any political party. Karine worries that this incident might cast a shadow on her reputation. She fears being perceived as naive by her relatives, realizing that placing trust in a friend roped her into a financial fraud and political deals. Karine also crunched the numbers and concluded that with her current salary, she will be able to collect 2.5 million drams within 2.5 years. When asked about her emotions now that she understands she's been deceived, she responded, "I don't feel like a proud citizen. It's disheartening to see those involved in political matters who consistently deceive and prioritize their own gain." She also recalled that after the banking operation, Gevorg made a call and stated, "2 from me, and I expect to get a reward for this." The list of donors to the Civil Contract featured not just Karine's name but also Gevorg and his brother, both contributing 2.5 million AMD each. Karine's situation is not unique. We encountered other individuals on the list of donors who were unaware of the transactions conducted in their name. — The legal maximum donation allowed per person is 2.5 million AMD (approximately 6200 USD). Notably, a significant 87% of the contributions to the Civil Contract party’s election campaign were amassed through transfers exceeding 1 million AMD. Within this category, around 70% of the donations were made by 140 individuals, each contributing the maximum allowable amount of 2.5 million AMD. We examined and identified nearly all individuals who contributed donations exceeding 1 million AMD. After analyzing donations data, we identified three main patterns: Individuals contributing donations ranging from 1 to 2.5 million AMD reside in addresses very close to each other. Individuals affiliated with large business companies have made substantial donations. Prominent contributors include officials, municipal council candidates and current members, and people affiliated with them.   Individuals contributing donations ranging from 1 to 2.5 million AMD reside in addresses close to each other We successfully identified 87% of individuals who contributed 1 million drams or more based on their addresses. Among those identified, 76% are residents of Yerevan. Additionally, significant donations were recorded from the Kotayk region (9.2%), Vayots Dzor region (4%), and Aragatsotn region (4%). During the identification of donors through open data sources, we observed a pattern where some individuals reside in the same or neighboring buildings. This trend is particularly prominent in the administrative district of Nor Nork. For instance, there are four donors from three neighboring buildings on Vilnius Street, and eight donors from three neighboring buildings on Gay and Moldovakan streets, with five of them residing in the same building.  All five individuals residing in the same building contributed 2.5 million AMD each. Notably, among them, Tigran Darbinyan stands out as the former deputy head of the Nor Nork administrative district of Yerevan and a candidate for the Council of Elders of the city.  Infocom visited addresses in Nor Nork and other administrative districts of Yerevan, as well as nearby regions, to meet with individuals who made donations. It's noteworthy that, upon observing the poor living conditions in most of the visited apartments, it was hard to imagine that the residents would have an additional sum of 2.5 million AMD to contribute to the party. The initial reaction of the donors we met was, "Where did we get so much money?" Upon informing them that their names appeared on the list of donors of the Civil Contract party, they recalled some episodes and requested a moment to make a phone call. Following these calls, some donors confidently affirmed that they had indeed made the money transfer. During a visit to one of the apartments, the parents of the donor met us, expressing surprise and stating that their son could not have transferred such a substantial amount of money. Upon our request, the parents contacted their son, who reiterated that he had not made any donations. He added, "Let me ask you another question: if you had that kind of money, would you donate 2.5 million AMD to the Civil Contract party?" In a telephone conversation, another resident of the same street, upon hearing the question, mentioned that he had made a contribution but couldn't recall the amount. When queried about the possibility of having donated 2.5 million AMD, he asked: “What is written on the list.” Upon learning the specified amount, he responded, "Please call me later. I make a lot of transactions, and I can't recall the details at the moment." A resident from one of the addresses in the Nor Nork administrative district, whose name appeared on the list of donors, was currently out of the country. The mother firmly asserted that her son would never donate money to the Civil Contract party. When asked if it was plausible that he might have made a transfer without their knowledge, she responded negatively. The father also confirmed that their son did not make any transfers, suggesting that inquiries about how his son's name ended up on the list should be directed to the Civil Contract party. At one of the addresses in the same administrative district, the donor's mother and wife met us. When they heard the question, they became worried and said that if such a donation had been made, they would have known. At our request, they called the donor, who in a telephone conversation with us said that he was a proxy of the Civil Contract party during the elections, but did not transfer money. He also asked us to wait to clarify something and call back. After a while, he called and said that he had transferred the money, and that we should not write anything about it. "If there is any issue, they will solve it," the donor noted. "Do not take any action, leave it as it is. They told me not to do anything, everything is alright. They assured that they would handle all matters related to responsibilities or any other issues." At a different address in the Nor Nork administrative district, the donor's wife met with us, expressing certainty that they had not made any monetary transfers. She stated, "I handle all our transactions on my behalf; currently, he does not have the right to conduct transactions. There have been no transfers from his name, and it's not possible as his accounts are under arrest, restricting any transactions," she noted. "He is drowning in debts. He is not interested in politics and has no connections with the Civil Contract," she added. One of the donors, who had transferred 2.5 million AMD, initially couldn't recall the subject of our conversation. Upon learning the amount of money involved, he expressed surprise but insisted it was his secret, refusing to disclose any details. Initially claiming he had made the transfer himself, he later mentioned there was some involvement but remained tight-lipped about the specifics. One of the residents of Nor Nork, who also served as a proxy for the Civil Contract party in the Council of Elders elections, stated in an interview with Infocom that he had transferred 1 million AMD. However, the list provided to us indicated 2.5 million AMD under his name. Another proxy of the party from the same administrative district had donated 2.5 million AMD. We attempted to contact him by phone. Upon hearing the question, he promised to call back after making some clarifications, but never called back. The orange dots on the map below represent the addresses of individuals identified by us who donated 1-2.5 million AMD (excluding officials and individuals affiliated with companies). The administrative districts are colored based on the votes received by the Civil Contract party in the Council of Elders elections. Districts colored in dark are the ones where the Civil Contract party received a high number of votes compared to other districts. Individuals affiliated with business companies have made substantial donations Many individuals on the list of those who donated more than 1 million AMD included representatives, employees, shareholders, and directors of business companies. Among the 140 donors who contributed 2.5 million AMD, at least 8 are employed by Yeremyan Projects, a well-known company in the restaurant sector in Armenia.  We have an internal information that the donations were not made from the personal funds of the employees; rather, the company transferred the money using  their names.  Ruben Sukiasyan, the Director of Marketing and Communications at Yeremyan Projects, answering Infocom’s question, said that the organization has no control over people's political views, and they did not give directions to anyone. He clarified, "If the question is whether the amount was transferred by the company or the head of the company, then definitely not; it has nothing to do with the company. If the question is whether some other people pass it on to these individuals [employees of the company-ed.] to donate - perhaps their personal friends, relatives, or others - it's just a coincidence in this regard," Sukiasyan noted. “In a company where 2,500 people work, 8, 10, or 5 of them can always unite around something and implement something over which we have neither control nor the desire to enter into this aspect of people's lives," Sukiasyan added. Incidentally, the majority of individuals affiliated with Yeremyan Projects and united around donations to the Civil Contract hold senior positions within the company. Ashkhen and Vergine Matevosyan, associated with various companies alongside businessman and owner of “Water World”, Khachik Khachatryan, each donated 2.5 million AMD to the Civil Contract party. Vergine Matevosyan and Khachik Khachatryan are shareholders of Villashin LLC. Artur Saroyan, the director of the same company, also contributed 2.5 million AMD to the Civil Contract party. Additionally, Albert Mirzoyan, the director of Villa Market LLC, affiliated with Villashin LLC, made a similar donation of 2.5 million AMD. The maximum allowable donation was made by Vladimir Poghosyan, the Executive Director of Jermuk Group CJSC. The Chief Specialist of Jermuk Municipality responsible for Economic Development, Stepanos Vardanyan, Chief Specialist of the Financial and Economic Department, Smbat Papoyan, Director of the CNPO "Sports and Cultural Center of the Jermuk Community," Gor Tadevosyan, and Acting Director of the CNPO "Communal Services of Jermuk" and Council of Elders member Artush Simonyan all participated in financing the campaign, each donating 2.5 million AMD. The Head of the Jermuk community is Vahagn Arsenyan, the son of the former Executive Director of Jermuk Group CJSC and former MP from the Republican Party, Ashot Arsenyan. According to the State Register of Legal Entities, Vahagn Arsenyan is listed as the real beneficiary of CJSC Jermuk Group.  The shareholders of Zover Construction LLC, involved in the construction of residential, public, and industrial buildings - Vardan Khachatryan, Artak Khachatryan, and Ara Avetisyan - donated 100,000 AMD each to support the Civil Contract party. Vahan Mkrtchyan, a shareholder of Milk  Product LLC, along with Artak and Vardan Khachatryan, contributed 50 thousand AMD. Hakob Hakobyan, the Director of Zover Staff LLC affiliated with Zover Construction, donated 2.5 million AMD. The director of Zover Construction LLC Armen Ghazaryan, made the same donation of 2.5 million AMD. According to the State Register of Legal Entities, Armen Ghazaryan is also the director of another company engaged in the construction of residential, public, and industrial buildings - Magnolia Comfort 2 CJSC. Vahe Meliksetyan, a shareholder of the same company, also donated 2.5 million AMD. Meliksetyan is a former director of Wysiwyg LLC, whose former shareholder Hovhannes Mkrtchyan also made a donation of the same amount. The current shareholder of Wysiwyg, Lilit Mkrtchyan, is registered at the same address together with the shareholder of Zover Construction LLC, Ara Avetisyan. Armen Ghazaryan is also the former director of AGH Ghazaryans LLC. The current director of the company, Gevorg Gharibyan, transferred 2.5 million AMD to raise funds for the Civil Contract party. Gagik Ghazaryan, Director of GAH LLC, and Smbat Navoyan, a former shareholder and director of the same company, donated to the Civil Contract in the maximum allowable amount. Minas Malkhasyan, a shareholder and director of the Malkhasyants Law Center, along with employee Grigor Malkhasyan, contributed 2.4 million AMD each to the Civil Contract party. Additionally, another staff member of the Center, Koryun Mkrtchyan, showed his support with a significant donation of 2.3 million AMD. Notably, Deputy Director of the Law Center Nazik Malkhasyan donated 100 thousand AMD. It's worth mentioning that Minas Malkhasyan, Nazik Malkhasyan, and Grigor Malkhasyan are the children of Judge Gurgen Malkhasyan. Interestingly, Judge Gurgen Malkhasyan was nominated as a candidate for a judge of the Court of Cassation approximately a month after the elections to the Council of Elders, although he was not ultimately elected. Zorik Sargsyan, a former shareholder of Rapid Reaction Guard LLC, involved in private security activities, and Avetis Arakelyan, a current shareholder of the same company, each made contributions of 2.5 million AMD to the Civil Contract. An equal sum was contributed by Karen Movsesyan, a shareholder of GMK Partners LLC specializing in accounting, and Karen Grigoryan, the director of the same company. The shareholder and director of Stroy Master Mikhail LLC, involved in construction, Ivan Minasuyev, along with former shareholder Mikhail Minasuyev and their brother Nikolay Minasuyev, each contributed 2.5 million AMD to support the Civil Contract party. When questioned about his donation, Mikhail Minasuyev initially claimed not to remember, citing numerous donations he makes. He requested to see the list sent by the Civil Contract party and, without confirming or denying the donation, stated, "We did something, I don't remember." Some companies affiliated with donors actively participated in public procurement.    Prominent contributors include public officials and their affiliates  The first Deputy Mayor of Yerevan, Armen Pambukhchyan, who also served as the head of the party's election headquarters during the pre-election period, held the position of Minister of Emergency Situations until June 30, 2023. Leading up to the elections to the Council of Elders, former employees of the Ministry of Emergency Situations, namely Vazgen Simonyan, Vahe Harutyunyan, Aram Semirjyan, Hovik Khachoyan, and Gegham Brsoyan, each made contributions of 2.5 million AMD to the Civil Contract party. Notably, Gegham Brsoyan was also a candidate for the Council of Elders from the Civil Contract party. Armen Sargsyan, a former advisor to Armen Pambukhchyan until the dissolution of the Ministry of Emergency Situations, lately appointed deputy head of the Nor Nork administrative district, made a donation of 2.5 million AMD. According to the State Register of Legal Entities, Armen Sargsyan is a shareholder of Inter Trans LLC, a transportation company. The director of the same company, Karine Harutyunyan, also contributed another 2.5 million AMD. The donation in the maximum allowable amount was made by Harutyun Balyan, who is in close relations with Armen Pambukhchyan and Armen Sargsyan. There are several officials on the list of those who donated more than 1 million AMD. Vigen Chilingaryan, Advisor to the Director of the "Hayantar" State Non-Profit Organization, made a contribution of 2.5 million AMD to the Civil Contract party. The acting director of "Zinar" CJSC of the Ministry of Defense, Arshak Ordukhanyan, who previously served as an adviser to Suren Papikyan when he was Deputy Prime Minister, made a donation of 1.5 million AMD. Arshak Ordukhanyan was also a candidate for the Council of Elders. The Head of Market Surveillance Inspection Body, Armen Kotolyan, who was also a candidate for the Council of Elders, donated 1 million AMD to the Civil Contract party. Syuzanna Sayadyan, a member of the Council of Elders of the Artashat community, contributed 2.5 million AMD. Interestingly, according to the annual declaration of income for 2022, her income for that year amounted to 702,975 AMD. This income was received from the Civil Contract party as a salary. By the way, the Honorary Consul of Spain in Armenia, Armine Adamyan, also made a donation of 2 million AMD to the election campaign of the Civil Contract party. Employees of the Yerevan Municipality, including the Head of the Urban Development and Land Inspection Department, Yakov Asatryan, and the Director of the CNPO "Special Services for the Population," Hrachya Nazaryan, made a donation of 2.5 million AMD each to the Civil Contract party. Additionally, the head of the Trade and Services Department, Hovik Safaryan, contributed 100 thousand AMD to the party. The Mayor of Yerevan Tigran Avinyan did not make donations; however, his father, Armen Avinyan, made a contribution of 2 million AMD. Tigran Galjyan, the brother of Armen Galjyan, the head of the "Civil Contract" faction of the Council of Elders of Yerevan, donated 2.3 million AMD. Lusine Gevorgyan, a member of the Council of Elders of Yerevan, made a donation of 2.5 million AMD. Another member of the Council of Elders of Yerevan, Narek Manukyan, who is the Director of the National Center of Oncology, contributed 1 million AMD. The heads of administrative districts made transfers ranging from 200,000 to 1.7 million AMD. The head of the Achapnyak administrative district, Kamsar Babinyan, the head of the Avan administrative district, Vahe Hakobyan, the head of the Arabkir administrative district, Aram Azatyan, and the head of the Kentron administrative district, Samvel Ghukasyan, each transferred 200 thousand AMD. The head of the Nork-Marash administrative district, Mikayel Ohanyan, contributed 400 thousand AMD, the head of the Nubarashen administrative district, Andranik Gasparyan, donated 550 thousand drams, the head of the Shengavit administrative district, Razmik Mkrtchyan, made a transfer of 300 thousand AMD, and the head of the Kanaker-Zeytun administrative district, Artak Hovakimyan, transferred 1.7 million AMD. The office of the head of the Nor Nork administrative district stood out with generous transfers. The head of the Income accounting and collection division, Gevorg Baghdasaryan, and the head of the Urban development and land use division, Levon Shahnazaryan, both made donations of 2.5 million AMD each. When we sought clarification from Gevorg Baghdasaryan about his money transfer and its source, he initially stated he would call back later. Upon a follow-up call, he expressed frustration and requested not to be contacted regarding this issue again. The head of the Trade, services and advertising division of the Nor Nork administrative district, Sargis Nazaryan, contributed 2.4 million AMD to the Civil Contract party. Nazaryan served as a proxy of the Civil Contract party during the Council of Elders elections. Additionally, the former head of the Urban development and land use division in the same administrative region, Gagik Abajyan, made a donation of 2.3 million AMD. Among the donors contributing to the fundraising efforts, there are 88 candidates from the Civil Contract party for the Council of Elders. Their donations vary, ranging from 20,000 to 2.5 million AMD. --- A comparison of the facts and a thorough analysis of the data reveal that the financing source for a portion of the Civil Contract party's election campaign is, at the very least, of unknown origin. The research findings lead to the conclusion that an organized mechanism was employed to channel funds into financing the election campaign of the Civil Contract party. This mechanism involved associating sums with the names of individuals who were often unaware of the process. As per the law on parties, campaign donations must be exclusively transferred through non-cash methods. This provision in the law aims to ensure transparency and traceability of the origin of the transferred donations. Infocom inquired about how the Civil Contract party ensured cashless transfers of donations during the fundraising evening. In response, it was stated, "Armeconombank employees were involved in organizing the collection of donations ensuring the electronic transfer of the funds to the party's account. The accounts of the Civil Contract party are serviced by Armeconombank," the response mentioned. Employees of Armeconombank were actively involved in facilitating transfers for the party's donors not only during the fundraising evening but also outside of it. It is noteworthy that one of the shareholders of Armeconombank is Khachatur Sukiasyan, a deputy of the parliamentary faction "Civil Contract." Sukiasyan and his brothers hold key supervisory positions within the bank. — On January 29, we reached out to Vahagn Aleksanyan, the Deputy Chairman of the Board of the Civil Contract party. We shared our encounters with individuals on the list of party donors who claimed not to have made any donations. Initially, Aleksanyan requested the names of these individuals to investigate further. When we declined to disclose the source, he suggested that perhaps we had not identified the correct individuals.  In response to our observation that donations were made on behalf of individuals living in the same or nearby buildings, Vahagn Aleksanyan remarked, "I can't say. Perhaps the donations of several people were just registered in the name of one person by the bank's employees to save time. I don't rule that out either." In response to a clarifying question about whether donations to the Civil Contract election campaign were collected only during the fundraising event on July 31, Aleksanyan replied, "No, because there were cases when party members of the territorial offices gathered their donations and sent them with one person. This also happened." Upon further clarification about whether the fundraising donations were eventually made during the evening, Aleksanyan confirmed, "Yes." However, he added that there were some inaccuracies, and in some cases, there was a need to go to the bank the next day. When asked about the nature of the inaccuracies, Aleksanyan requested a written inquiry. In the hope of getting more information, we agreed with Vahagn Aleksanyan that we would send our questions in writing form and await a response by January 30, 17:00. Unfortunately, we did not receive any response from the Civil Contract party by the appointed time.   The legality of the financing of the election campaign in the Council of Elders' elections can be determined by the state 8 months after the election Political parties are required to submit their annual reports to the Corruption Prevention Commission (CPC) by May 31 of the next reporting year, according to the law on parties. The CPC oversees the financial activities of the party by comparing the submitted report with information obtained from other sources, including bank details, to verify the accuracy of the annual report.  Earlier, Infocom wrote about the supervisory function of the Corruption Prevention Commission (CPC) and the Central Electoral Commission (CEC) asking whether the refusal to publish the list of donors during the pre-election period affects the transparency of the electoral process.  At that time, the chairman of the Central Election Commission, former MP of the "Civil Contract" Vahagn Hovakimyan, referring to this concern, said: “You desire that the act of publication, the disclosure of information related to any political party, influences the election results of that party. You treat political parties as potential criminals.” Hovakimyan also emphasized in our interview that if the journalists' objective is to guarantee a transparent process, the timing of studying the list of donors, whether during the elections or approximately 8 months post their conclusion, should not significantly impact their pursuit of transparency. Approximately four months after the conclusion of the Council of Elders elections, it has come to light that the Civil Contract party’s election campaign was financed from obscure origins through dubious transactions. Author - Lucy Manvelyan Hayarpi Baghdasaryan, Julietta Hovhannisyan, and Roman Abovyan contributed to the investigation Editors - Ani Hovhannisyan, Sevak Mamyan
12:53 - 05 February, 2024
The video about an Azerbaijani walking in Yerevan is outdated, there is no evidence that it was filmed by an Azerbaijani

The video about an Azerbaijani walking in Yerevan is outdated, there is no evidence that it was filmed by an Azerbaijani

The video circulated on the Internet today, purportedly shot by an Azerbaijani, Telman Qasimov, casually strolling through the yard of an apartment building at Komitas 5A in Yerevan, is outdated.  In an interview with the Azerbaijani media outlet 'Minval,' Telman Qasimov stated that he was born and resided at the address Komitas 5A for 17 years. After relocating to Azerbaijan in 1988, he revisited the location 35 years later, capturing footage of the yard and apartment. According to his Facebook profile, he was born in 1971. According to his interview, he left Yerevan in 1988 and returned to document it 35 years later, that is, this year.  Infocom visited Komitas 5A in Yerevan and compared the surroundings with the video footage. We are releasing photos that clearly demonstrate the disparity between the content of the video and the present-day appearance of the yard and the building. The footage reveals several alterations: the entrance door to the building has been replaced, the balcony on the second floor underwent reconstruction, the water fountain featured in the video has been removed, and the garage doors received a fresh coat of paint. According to the building's residents, the water fountain in video was removed this summer, specifically in August.  The building's residents have pointed out that the replacement of the front door and the renovation of the balcony took place approximately two years ago. This suggests that the video was filmed at least two years prior to the current date. However, Telman Qasimov, in his interview, creates the impression that the video was recorded after the forced deportation of the Artsakh people on September 25, 2023. He specifically emphasizes, 'Imagine that, even now, not all displaced persons from Karabakh have been accommodated and provided with housing. Many of them still continue to sleep in cars. These people are wandering the streets doing nothing. During my time there, I witnessed this. And while I was there, they turned off the electricity twice.' Telman Qasimov is not discernible in the video. The video has been edited. Specifically, segments where the videographer's reflection could potentially be seen on car windows have been removed. The claim that Qasimov personally filmed the video lacks confirmation, as both the speaker's voice and the video could have been edited and synchronized seamlessly. Did an Azerbaijani live in the Komitas 5A building? Building residents recall that until the 1990s, an Azerbaijani named Telman, resided in their building. His mother's name was Zemfira, referred to as 'Zemfir xala' (Aunt Zemfir).  The building's fifth floor, where the Azerbaijani claims his residence used to be, consists of three apartments. In the video, the speaker mentions names such as Lida and Rosa, identifying them as former neighbors. Specifically, he points to the apartment on the left side of the floor as his own. The current occupant, interviewed by Infocom, states that she has resided there for a long time and learned from neighbors that an Azerbaijani lived there in the 1980s, subsequently selling the property to an Armenian. Another neighbor adds that the Azerbaijani resident left in 1988-89, engaging in a house exchange with an Armenian in Baku. It is important to note that Telman Qasimov is identified as one of the leaders of the 'environmental activists' who blocked the Lachin corridor. According to information released by the Tatoyan Foundation, Qasimov is alleged to be a military officer with a strong aversion to Armenians and serves in a special military intelligence unit. Evidence surfaced on his social media accounts, displaying connections with the extremist nationalist group 'Gray Wolves,' known for its terrorist activities. Qasimov has also shared a photograph featuring Ramil Safarov, the individual responsible for the brutal murder of Armenian officer Gurgen Margaryan while he was asleep, wielding an axe. Update: As of December 6, the National Security Service of the Republic of Armenia has released a statement revealing that Telman Qasimov obtained the mentioned video in November 2017 from a dual citizen identified as 'A. K.,' who originally recorded footage of the building where Qasimov claimed to be 'born and raised.' The NSS asserts that Qasimov appended his voice to the video through editing, six years after its initial recording." Hayarpi Baghdasaryan
20:33 - 05 December, 2023
"Mom, call Vardan": Goris Welcomes Displaced Nagorno-Karabakh Residents

"Mom, call Vardan": Goris Welcomes Displaced Nagorno-Karabakh Residents

As we traversed Vayots Dzor, traffic thickened, and the presence of ambulances and trucks hinted at our approach to Goris. Strolling through rain-formed puddles, we arrived at the building that, just a week ago, had been the drama theater. There is a big blue bus in front of the building. Agony and fatigue emanate from the faces of the people visible through the window. In my mind, I find solace in the barrier before me, grateful that it shields me from getting closer to the weariness etched on people's faces. A child, around four years old, nibbling on a piece of bread, emerges from the building and is on the verge of crossing paths with volunteers bearing food. "The taxi has arrived. Are all of you ready?" A Red Cross staff member escorts a family of eight, engaging in playful banter with the children and bidding farewell like a caring relative as they board the vehicle... "Move back, make way for this car!" the policeman shouts, using a commanding hand gesture to guide people and clear the path. A two-year-old child in a red coat wanders around. "Is she by herself?" People exchange glances. As we attempt to find our bearings, a mother, cradling another baby in her arms, guides the little one by the hand, and they pass through the barrier. An elderly woman stumbles and ends up in a puddle up to her ankles. I wonder if she has an extra pair of shoes; she was wearing slippers. While I stand on the sidewalk, trying to absorb my initial impressions, my attention is captivated by a 5-6-year-old girl in a red hoodie, standing in front of a White Ford. The family of Gohar is from the village of Haterk, Martakert. "On September 20th, accompanied by our relatives, a group of 25 people, we embarked on a journey to the airport. We spent five days there, and then they [the peacekeeprs] helped us to cross the Hakari Bridge," recounted Ruzanna, Gohar's mother. She mentioned that they had cattle and were able to slaughter some for meat and take with them. That's how they lived until they reached Kornidzor. When I inquired about their reception at the airport, she appeared surprised and asked, 'Who, the Russians? It is an open field, we went there by car, slept in the car, lived by ourselves'. According to her, five soldiers were killed in the village. "There is still a 19-year-old child who couldn't be brought out. He has four sisters. As we were departing the village in our cars, the mother of the deceased kept glancing back, as if hoping to catch a glimpse of him following us. She can't believe that her son died." Tears welling in her eyes, Ruzanna adds, "She's still waiting for him to come." One of her family members also passed away, her husband's cousin, a young 19-year-old soldier. She explains that they are making efforts to transport the body to Armenia with the assistance of the Red Cross. They are waiting for other family members to join them to go to Yerevan. And what's next? "Then I will go to Pyatigorsk, my daughter is there. And then in the end people will leave Armenia as well as they left Artsakh." Ruzanna with Gohar I approach the girl who stands alone under a wall and ask, "Who are you with?" Babo (grandmother). While I'm attempting to identify Nare's grandmother, I notice a woman on the right side of us, diligently trying to corral the kids who are enthusiastically chasing a stray dog. Gohar's family loses their home for the second time. They fled from Shush to Stepanakert in 2020, now Goris, then... "probably Russia, we have family there." Aren, Alen and Nare In front of the Goris Hotel, men smoke anxiously. They don't talk to each other, don't talk to strangers. The hotel corridor bustles with activity. A child is gleefully bouncing on a sofa, savoring chocolate with all ten fingers. The man pulls fruits, sweets, and juices from the bag, sharing them with both children and parents waiting in line. The girl with short, curly hair can barely contain the aid packages she's received in her small hands. "Could you please give me a bag?" she requests, turning to me with a warm smile. "I'm Larisa," she introduces herself, then introduces her brother. "And this is Artyom." Larisa's family emigrated from Yeghtsahogh, although Larisa herself proudly notes that she is from Shushi. "She was born in the maternity hospital of Shushi," her mother corrects. Yeghtsahogh is now completely empty. "On the 20th, at one o'clock in the morning, we took the children out, brought to the Russian post. Our village was completely evacuated, including the neighboring villages -Hin Shen and Mets Shen. We didn't take anything with us – no clothes or anything. The head of the village gave a car to evacuate people. We went out, the Turks followed us into the village," she says. At the Russian checkpoint, according to Susan, residents of three villages were accommodated and provided with food, and then escorted to Kornidzor. At the checkpoint, they did not pass inspection, they did not leave the cars, only passports were checked.Susan with Larisa and Artyom. Susan's family has no relatives, neither in Goris nor in Yerevan. She mentiones that she can't live in the city. She's uncertain about the next destination, but she's determined not to go to Russia. "I want to settle in a village, secure a job, and raise my children." A man from the side interjects, "Wouldn't you consider living in Meghri? I invite you." "Meghri? Isn't that close to the Turks?" she questions. "It is. What if I relocate there and they launch another attack?" The hotel corridor is gradually emptying out. Video footage of the fire at the Stepanakert fuel depot has already been released. On the sofa, a woman cries out with longing and repeats once more, "Mom, I'm calling, he's not answering, please call Vardan." I quietly leave the hotel. Time outside has stopped. Men are desperately smoking, as if in the same position as an hour ago. My ears are still ringing. "Mom, call Vardan". Victoria Andreasyan Photos by Anthony Pizzoferrato
12:58 - 26 September, 2023
Endless nights and uncertain waiting: Arsakh citizens at the base in Goris

Endless nights and uncertain waiting: Arsakh citizens at the base in Goris

The road from Yerevan to Gori is unusually quiet, especially for us journalists, who always find a topic to "make noise". Now that noise has only one name - Artsakhtsi (Artsakh Armenian), and one address -  Artsakh, but words have no meaning, they are not enough. The intelligible silence is broken by the incomprehensible news coming from official sources every now and then, and the hymns of Sargis, our cameraman, become more heartbreaking with each subsequent news. - Lord, have mercy! Lord, have mercy!... he sings something that we had to repeat a lot in Goris. In Goris, there is the gathering station, where the people of Artsakh who were displaced from their homeland to Armenia and registered in Kornidzor, come. They come endlessly, one after another, like the snow that starts suddenly when the flakes fall quickly, get down to the ground, and barely rise. Now those flakes fall down on our hearts and become stones. They fall down and become heavy forever.    The base of Goris is crowded, and frankly speaking, there is not even enough place to shed a tear. Cold-hearted, we work, photographing people who seem to have put decades of life in a suitcase, packed everything they had wrapped it in cars, rushing here and there, getting on a bus, and hearing the vague voice of one of the organizers. - People going to Gegharkunik, get off quickly, you will go by another bus. - Who was going to Vayk? Get on the bus! People get off, people get on, and the buses take them to their new addresses. People come down, people wait, and who knows how people don't go crazy... *** I notice a girl standing alone in the uncertain waiting. I approach and ask, are you from Artsakh? She firmly says yes. I ask if she'll agree to speak a few words. She agrees to talk but without cameras. 22-year-old Amalya Arushanyan is a linguist from Haterk village, Martakert region. I apologize for the painful questions and ask her to remember September 19, the day of the last attack of Azerbaijan. - Would you like me to be as honest as possible? As a citizen of Artsakh, now it is not difficult for me to recall all that because it has already become normal, - says Amalya, and tears are falling from her eyes, - No, I lied, it is difficult. At the time of the attack, Amalya was at her workplace, at school, and the students told her the news that the enemy had attacked the neighboring villages, but Amalya didn't believe it, she thought it was just another thing that would pass. Then, when the voices reached them, there was nothing left but to go down to the shelter of the school. "Then our relatives came and took us home, whoever they could, they took them... Then the day came when there were more shootings. My little sister was in a very bad condition, she had health problems... Then night came, during the night the sky was not black at all, it was red because they had organized all this in a very professional way, they were coming from all directions, and our army was in a very bad, disorganized state... Then once the plane hit, we didn't sleep at all that night, there was no communication, and we couldn't find out about our brothers who were on the frontline... All of us were scared and entered the shelter, it was not safe there, nowhere was safe. The morning light  never came for us that night, it stayed dark like that." *** Amalya says the next day, when it was officially reported that an agreement was reached to stop the fire at 13:00 with the mediation of the Russian peacekeeping troops, it did not stop.  "It was after the so-called "ceasefire"  that I lost my brother, whom we forcefully brought here to take with us so that his grave does not remain there," she says, holding back the tears. - Lord, have mercy! Lord, have mercy! *** The day after the attack, Amalya was transferred to Stepanakert. I asked if she was with her whole family. "With all my relatives," she answered. "We went to the airport, where the Russian base is located, thinking that we were close to the Russians there, there would be no attack, but the military base is near the Askeran regiment, they were also attacking the Askeran military unit there, we were still afraid, but already kind of indifferent. it was fear without emotion, we had already got used to it, do you get it?" she says, looking at me with eyes as green as the mountains of Artsakh and filled with water. And I don't know where to look when everywhere you turn, it's the same tragedy. The family stayed at the airport for 2 or 3 days, Amalya says it seemed like a long time, but she doesn't remember clearly. "There was constant news that it's over or that someone was slaughtered in the village, that azeris have entered, put up the flag... You know, that desperate situation where you can't get in touch with anyone... It was only in the area of the military base that there was a connection, thanks to the Russians. There was no light at all in Stepanakert... That uncertain situation was generating both truth and lies." The next day, when the fire really stopped, the Arushanians decided not to return to the village. "No one wanted to go back, enter Haterk, or stay in the territory of Artsakh, because that is suicide or voluntary slavery," she says. "It was very common for us at the checkpoint, we saw both Turks, Russians, and Armenians. They didn't thoroughly and deeply examine the car. As far as I know, they didn't look at the documents. They opened the door and looked, and that's it. Maybe there was actually a device there. I don't know if he was checking," Amalya says, adding that she heard that the group is thoroughly checked when a weapon is found with one of the people. The family barely took food, clothes, and beds with them, but there are people, says Amalya, who didn't make it or didn't want to. "For example, my grandmother, an elderly woman, has seen a lot in her life. She said: "Why am I taking it, what should I do? Last time, during the 44-day period, I took my clothes and shoes, what happened?" Amalya says, in any case, she doesn't remember her home in a sad way . She remembers it with pain, but not in a sad way. She remembers it beautifully and with love. "So far, we have been in the blockade for 274 days, which has brought many difficulties, and all this has not allowed us to accumulate or create happy moments, but I don't remember being sad in our house, I even took pictures of our house when I went out, our yard, our cars, because we left a lot of things there." I asked if they have closed the door, and she says that her father did not let them, so that when the enemy comes, they don't break it or do damage.  "But if you think very deeply, my father is a 50-year-old man, he gave his whole life to build a house for us, now he has left everything behind and will have to start again, and it's not even from scratch, I don't even what I should call it." I asked if they have any problems at the moment that need to be solved urgently, and she said "Yes", adding that they know the solution to the problems, but there's only one problem, the solution of which is not in their hands because Artsakh no longer exists.  "With God's will, I don't know how powerful the Armenian army will be to be able to take back all that, but we will be so strong and conscious... We don't love our nation, we have to love ourselves to be able to win, we have to put our hope in ourselves to be able to win, and it's not the Russians who keep us, nor the Americans, we are the ones who keep us, and I'm sure it will be in 50 or 60 years, if RA is smart, we will definitely take everything back: the Shushi tank, the "We are our mountains" statue, the Karvachar mountains, our church, and our crosses, which were placed in every village. Everything," says Amalya, assuring us that we did not lose either this battle or the 44-day battle, our boys fought until the end. Amalya does not talk about the future, she says that it is up to her father to decide. Before that, she had planned to open a language center in the village, and she was about to do it, but now she's on the Goris-Vayk road, waiting to be transferred there. Until then, they will have to wait for long, as the International Committee of the Red Cross brings her brother's body.   Milena Khachikyan
11:58 - 26 September, 2023
Science against Viruses: A Look Inside the Laboratory of Antiviral Drug Discovery

Science against Viruses: A Look Inside the Laboratory of Antiviral Drug Discovery

As a biology student, Hovakim Zakaryan developed an interest in stem cells; these are undifferentiated cells with a unique ability to differentiate into a variety of specialized cell types. In the early 2000s, he faced challenges in locating any groups or laboratories dedicated to stem cell research within Armenia's scientific institutions. He eventually discovered a lab at the Institute of Molecular Biology of the National Academy of Sciences of Armenia, which was researching regular cells and viruses. Hovakim developed an interest in viruses while he was working at that lab. His experience studying viruses at the Institute of Molecular and Clinical Virology in Germany and the Centre for Molecular Biology Severo Ochoa in Spain led to a greater interest in this field of study. Upon his return to Armenia, Hovakim established the Research Group of Antiviral Defense Mechanisms at the Institute of Molecular Biology, where he and his colleagues began researching the antiviral properties of novel chemical compounds. The research group consisted of three members at the time it was formed. They were looking for antiviral drug candidates against African swine fever virus․ The team expanded over time. In 2020, it achieved the status of a laboratory and was renamed the Laboratory of Antiviral Drug Discovery. The team now consists of eight members, from undergraduates to Ph.Ds. Let's explore the Laboratory of Antiviral Drug Discovery; read the article here. Author: Anna Sahakyan, Video by Roman Abovyan, Photos by Roman Abovyan, Sargis Kharazyan, and Julietta Hovhannisyan  
23:17 - 05 September, 2023
"I don't want my children to starve, to be subjected to genocide, I want to live in Artsakh, to build our Homeland" [Blockade from the inside]

"I don't want my children to starve, to be subjected to genocide, I want to live in Artsakh, to build our Homeland" [Blockade from the inside]

Liana Voskanyan, a mother of six, residing in Stepanakert, must juggle multiple jobs to meet their needs. Amidst the blockade, it becomes exceptionally challenging. Due to the closure of the road connecting Artsakh with Armenia, the father of Liana's children, is in Yerevan and unable to join the family. Liana shoulders the responsibility of caring for her children: three boys aged 15, 11, and 9, two girls aged 13 and 3, along with a six-month-old newborn named Avetis, all on her own. Tragically, her mother passed away during the 44-day war, and Liana has lost contact with her mother-in-law. Despite her mother-in-law's disapproval of her sixth child's birth, Liana resolved to bring the boy into the world. "I hold deep affection for our Homeland, and we've endured numerous sacrifices for its sake. I'm driven by the desire to contribute to my nation, and that's why I chose to welcome another boy into the world," expresses Liana. The children's father mentioned that upon his arrival in Artsakh, he intends to relocate the family to Yerevan. However, Liana does not share the same sentiment. "We won't be leaving Artsakh," she firmly declares. Liana with her children   Liana, an actress with 28 years of service at the Stepanakert Drama Theater named after V. Papazyan, now also works at a bakery and provides makeup services in order to meet her financial needs. The cost of living in Artsakh is high. "I'm currently employed at a bakery, baking lavash just to ensure we have enough money for basic necessities. Grocery stores are almost devoid of essential items; they mainly offer products like cognac, vodka, vinegar, and perhaps lighters. Occasionally, there might be fruits and vegetables available, but their prices are exorbitant. It's a hit or miss situation – sometimes I can afford to buy them, while other times it's simply not feasible. We didn't have oil or washing powder at home for two days. While food is a vital concern, lifestyle factors are equally significant. Maintaining cleanliness for the children is crucial in warding off numerous illnesses. Unfortunately, there's a scarcity of basic items like soap, dishwashing liquid, laundry detergent, and even toilet paper. It's probably simpler to list what is available for purchase than what isn't," Liana notes. Currently, her employment at the bakery allows her to purchase two days' worth of bread. However, as per her observations, many people find it challenging to endure the queues. Some experience deteriorating health conditions, even fainting. Some request to hold their place in line as they step aside to eat something, returning to avoid worsening their condition. Some even leave money to secure their spot, ensuring they don't miss out on obtaining bread. At present, locating fruits and vegetables in the markets has become a daunting task. Finding even one or two kg of tomatoes or cucumbers is increasingly unlikely. In contrast to the previous year, the price of a kg of meat has doubled, reaching 7000-7500 drams.  Currently, there is a complete absence of public transport in Artsakh, and fuel is also unavailable. Like everyone else, Liana commutes to work on foot every day. In the presence of larger vehicles, people are hesitant to board due to the overwhelming overcrowding, making the idea of commuting in such conditions possible. When power outages occur during the day, Liana rushes back home to ensure she has sufficient time to feed her children, prepare meals, attend to laundry, and subsequently returns to work.  Despite all these challenges, Liana remains resilient and hopeful. "I hold a strong belief that Armenians residing in Armenia will unite and take a stand, enabling us to overcome obstacles together. Amidst the recent surge of animosity and division, this could potentially serve as a significant test for us to introspect and regain our unity. I don't want my children to starve, to be subjected to genocide here, I want to live in Artsakh, to build our Homeland. Despite the viewpoint of some Armenians that regards Artsakh as part of Azerbaijan, it's essential to recall that Artsakh was once a province of Greater Armenia. The less we remember our history, the more we stand to lose." Since December 12, 2022, Azerbaijan has closed the only road connecting Artsakh to Armenia, the Lachin Corridor. On April 23, 2023,  the Azerbaijani side closed the Hakari bridge on the Artsakh-Armenia border, which was in the area of responsibility of the Russian peacekeeping troops in the Lachin corridor, thus deepening the humanitarian crisis. An Azerbaijani checkpoint was installed on the Hakari bridge. Since June 15 of this year, Azerbaijan has banned all humanitarian transportation through the Lachin Corridor. After that, the ICRC was only able to transport patients to Armenia a few times. On July 29, Azerbaijan kidnapped a 68-year-old citizen from the ICRC-mediated patient who was transferred to Armenia from the checkpoint near the Hakari bridge and took him to an unknown place. On August 1, Azerbaijani servicemen kidnapped another citizen who tried to go to Armenia on foot from the village of Hin Shen in Artsakh, his whereabouts are also unknown. Artsakh has almost completely run out of essential products and medicine. Coupons intended for buying food months ago are now useless because the stores are empty. People go out only to get bread. Artsakh has run out of fuel, public transport does not work at all, and private cars rarely move. The gas supply is regularly interrupted, and electricity is cut off. In Artsakh, 120 thousand people, including 30 thousand children, are under total blockade. Photos are from Liana Voskanyan's archive Hayarpi Baghdasaryan
16:20 - 10 August, 2023
"It's truly unbearable to be captive on your own land; everyone wants to live, yet the possibility of life is uncertain" [Blockade From The Inside]

"It's truly unbearable to be captive on your own land; everyone wants to live, yet the possibility of life is uncertain" [Blockade From The Inside]

"The word "blockade" encapsulates the most challenging aspect of this situation. It's an immensely challenging feeling when profound reflection leads you to realize that you're held hostage within your own home," Ani Lazaryan,17, from the village of Vank, Martakert region, Artsakh describes her feelings. I've spoken with many people about the daily hardships and the inhumane conditions under the blockade in Artsakh. Ani, in fact, can not share anything new, so our conversation revolves more around the people and her psychological state. She conveys that the feeling of being captive on your own land is simply unbearable, yet at the same time, it's a reality that's difficult to accept. Ani is an aspiring translator and a member of the Artsakh Youth Union of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation "Dashnaktsutyun". She is currently in her senior year and spends most of her time at home. She has had to postpone her classes because public transport is not functioning, and there is a lack of fuel to travel to Stepanakert. My interlocutor, who appears to be quite sensitive, has also authored a book about the war titled "Them." The blockade, of course, brings about inconvenience in the most essential aspects of life, but the most intolerable aspect for Ani is to do nothing. "What should be done?" I ask. "If we are talking about the population of Artsakh, then we are literally shackled, probably powerless to do anything now. In Artsakh, every resident now sleeps and awakens with the sole purpose of queuing up again tomorrow. In general, I have thought a lot about this question and, I have always hesitated to give a clear answer. From my perspective, the collective endeavor in this matter is very great, and every individual can contribute to our nation through their efforts. Regrettably, such assistance is currently lacking. People's behavior is vastly different when they have plenty, and even more distinct when they have nothing." Ani emphasizes that the blockade is truly devastating, as everyone desires to live, yet the possibility of life itself is uncertain. "Countless queues stretch ahead, with the number of people impossible to tally. Amidst these lines, we stand, awaiting our turn, carrying the hope that our path to brighter days will soon unfold. Living in the village is somewhat manageable, but it's even tougher for those in the city who struggle to maintain a decent lifestyle," Ani says adding that she has never joined the queues, partly because she felt she might get lost in the crowd. "The line of people stretched from the city's beginning to its very end."   bread queue Ani recalls a poignant and bittersweet moment she witnessed while waiting for a friend one day: two elderly people were walking hand in hand to purchase fruit. However, by the time they crossed the street and reached the store, all the fruit had already been sold out. "With fruit in short supply, just a single apple remained. The seller gave it away the elderly people. Leaving the store with a mix of desperation and fleeting smiles, they exchanged a glance and sighed. Yet, their smiles returned, perhaps because they still held onto that single apple... it left a profound impact."  The First Karabakh war, the April war, the 44-day war... without even having time to heal from these wounds, now comes the blockade. "Is it destiny, or is it simply a game being played with us?" Ani asks. "When my peers and I were thinking about studying abroad and building a bright future, now we are thinking about how to somehow survive. It's a struggle for survival. Living in Artsakh and fighting for life despite the blockade is a testament to courage. Please, let's not be indifferent; let's ensure the world doesn't erase us from the face of the earth..." Since December 12, 2022, Azerbaijan has closed the only road connecting Artsakh to Armenia, the Lachin Corridor. On April 23, 2023,  the Azerbaijani side closed the Hakari bridge on the Artsakh-Armenia border, which was in the area of responsibility of the Russian peacekeeping troops in the Lachin corridor, thus deepening the humanitarian crisis. An Azerbaijani checkpoint was installed on the Hakari bridge. Since June 15 of this year, Azerbaijan has banned all humanitarian transportation through the Lachin Corridor. After that, the ICRC was only able to transport patients to Armenia a few times. On July 29, Azerbaijan kidnapped a 68-year-old citizen from the ICRC-mediated patient who was transferred to Armenia from the checkpoint near the Hakari bridge and took him to an unknown place. On August 1, Azerbaijani servicemen kidnapped another citizen who tried to go to Armenia on foot from the village of Hin Shen in Artsakh, his whereabouts are also unknown. Artsakh has almost completely run out of essential products and medicine. Coupons intended for buying food months ago are now useless because the stores are empty. People go out only to get bread. Artsakh has run out of fuel, public transport does not work at all, and private cars rarely move. The gas supply is regularly interrupted, and electricity is cut off. In Artsakh, 120 thousand people, including 30 thousand children, are under total blockade. Photos are from Ani Lazaryan's archive Hayarpi Baghdasaryan
13:48 - 08 August, 2023
A mother of five from Artsakh prepares sweets using the last remaining ingredients at home and shares them with neighboring children. [Blockade from the inside]

A mother of five from Artsakh prepares sweets using the last remaining ingredients at home and shares them with neighboring children. [Blockade from the inside]

For so many days I have been conveying the story of the blockade to the readers through the voices of our fellow Artsakh residents, repeatedly emphasizing that there is no food, no electricity, no gas, no water at times, no fruits, no vegetables, no medicines, no transportation, no childhood, all due to the closure of the only lifeline that connects Artsakh to Armenia for over seven months by Azerbaijan. Under these conditions, those who have managed to save something are nearly depleting their reserves and those who still possess something are attempting to share it with their fellow compatriots. Lusine Sahakyan from Stepanakert, a mother of five, is cooking sweets and sugar cubes using the remaining sugar at her home. She then distributes these treats to the children in her neighborhood and her neighbors. At one point, Lusine had a small confectionery production. However, she temporarily paused it when her children were born. During the blockade, when the road was not completely closed yet, she managed to buy supplies again to resume her confectionery efforts. Until June, she could still manage to cook, but since June 15th, no products have entered Artsakh from Armenia at all. Lusine made the decision to conserve some of her supplies: a small amount of sugar, a bit of flour, a little salt... Today, the situation has reached a point where people use what they have saved. As my interlocutor explains, she can't sell the products. "I worked for a couple of months, then the roads were closed. There were times when there was no salt, no sand, and even the flour quality was poor. Due to the scarcity of products, I chose to wait and avoid using the last remaining supplies. Then I began sharing with others. I even gave a cup of sugar from the entire bag. A mom of an eight-month-old child asked for sugar. She offered to pay, but I refused to take money. I couldn't accept it. I gave it to the child to ensure they have something," says Lusine, with her voice reflecting deep care and compassion. Lusine Sahakyan Then she baked cupcakes and shared them with the children in the neighborhood. She even took a bag with her when she went to the dairy and waited in line. "At six in the morning, we joined the queue at the dairy shop where 350 people were already waiting. People had been sitting and waiting in line all night. However, I returned empty-handed as I couldn't bear to witness such scenes. A child even fainted. I took the cupcakes with me in case there would be children in the queue. As expected, there were several kids standing nearby. I handed the bag of cupcakes to the children and told them to share with eachother and eat so they wouldn't faint." In the outskirts where Lusine resides, the situation is slightly more manageable. She mentions that the central areas are experiencing dreadful queues, and there are individuals who can't endure it – they're lying on the ground with their children. Lusine sends me a photo of an elderly woman seated on a stone, clutching two pieces of bread in her hands. The elderly woman endured the scorching heat and walked for an extended period, making her way to the bakery. She patiently waited in line from midnight until dawn.  Yesterday Lusine made sugar lollipops, shared with children, and made sugar cubes for the elderly․  Lusine, who is employed at the Ministry of Social Development in Artsakh, has coordinated with the orphanage director to deliver sweets to the children in the orphanage in the upcoming days. "I decided to confirm the exact number of children and prepare cupcakes and sugar cubes to deliver to them. They need it more since others might have more options to find stuff. When people tell me to save it for my kids, I answer that I'm one of you, I can not sell but give away," says Lusine, who continues to treat the neighboring children with sweets.  Lusine grows some vegetables in the garden, where she still manages to harvest some tomatoes, cucumbers, and potatoes, although it's not a limitless source. Currently, bringing goods from the villages to the city has become impossible. Lusine's children no longer like pasta, like many other children, they require vitamins and proper nutrition, which has become increasingly challenging to obtain. Her children are 17, 16, 9, 6, and 4 years old.  Lusine's father participant in all Karabakh wars. He participated in all the wars to defend Artsakh and was seriously wounded during the first war. Lusine recalls that in the nineties, when her father participated in the liberation of Karvachar, he called his brother [Lusine's uncle] on her birthday and said that they should definitely celebrate his daughter's birthday, as he might not be able to return...Lusine refused, saying that she wouldn't have a single birthday without her father present. "A few weeks ago, my father was told this story, he wasn't aware of it before. Tears welled up in my father's eyes. I remember those days, my uncle was speaking to my father from the outside, and I overheard my father saying that they should celebrate my birthday every year no matter what. After that I didn't like my birthday. Later, my father returned triumphantly, yet wounded and covered in blood, I witnessed that. Now, I can't congratulate... What kind of victory is it? But I hope that I will be able to congratulate him on that day again," Lusine says, and I recall that on the night of November 9, this thought lingered in my mind. I was contemplating how I would congratulate my father on May 9. Shortly after my father died and now I stand in silence by his grave on that day. But I give Lusine hope, assuring her that she will have the chance to congratulate her father on that day again. "I hold onto hope that God will guide us through this, and even if countries remains silent about the situation, we trust that God sees everything. We must continue to love and support one another, coming together to resist and persevere. We are ready to face hunger only to stand on our land, as this is our unwavering goal. We hold onto this hope," Lusine says. Despite having the option to leave the country, they have chosen to stay, determined to continue living in their homeland. Lusine's father-in-law lost his life in the Karabakh war. His family fled from Baku as refugees. In the late 80s, they arrived in Spitak, but their arrival was marked by the earthquake. Miraculously escaping from the rubble, they managed to reach Artsakh. Afterwards, his father went to war and died. "My husband says that his father came here and gave his life for this land, so he can't imagine leaving now. It's a tragic story...but we don't want to leave." Currently, their family is in the process of repairing the house and organizing the basement. Lusine says that no matter what they should have well-maintained shelters, as one can never predict if another war might erupt. Since December 12, 2022, Azerbaijan has closed the only road connecting Artsakh to Armenia, the Lachin Corridor. On April 23, 2023,  the Azerbaijani side closed the Hakari bridge on the Artsakh-Armenia border, which was in the area of responsibility of the Russian peacekeeping troops in the Lachin corridor, thus deepening the humanitarian crisis. An Azerbaijani checkpoint was installed on the Hakari bridge. Since June 15 of this year, Azerbaijan has banned all humanitarian transportation through the Lachin Corridor. After that, the ICRC was only able to transport patients to Armenia a few times. On July 29, Azerbaijan kidnapped a 68-year-old citizen from the ICRC-mediated patient who was transferred to Armenia from the checkpoint near the Hakari bridge and took him to an unknown place. On August 1, Azerbaijani servicemen kidnapped another citizen who tried to go to Armenia on foot from the village of Hin Shen in Artsakh, his whereabouts are also unknown. Artsakh has almost completely run out of essential products and medicine. Coupons intended for buying food months ago are now useless because the stores are empty. People go out only to get bread. Artsakh has run out of fuel, public transport does not work at all, and private cars rarely move. The gas supply is regularly interrupted, and electricity is cut off. In Artsakh, 120 thousand people, including 30 thousand children, are under total blockade.   The photos are from Lusine Sahakyan's archive Hayarpi Baghdasaryan
19:53 - 07 August, 2023
"When we are in our own country, we endure whatever comes our way; the crucial thing is that we live here as Armenians, bread and hunger, though difficult, are not the primary focus." [Blockade from the Inside]

"When we are in our own country, we endure whatever comes our way; the crucial thing is that we live here as Armenians, bread and hunger, though difficult, are not the primary focus." [Blockade from the Inside]

As I write this article, I am situated 328 km away from Stepanakert, the capital of Artsakh. From here to Rome, the distance is incredibly vast and beyond measure. I could travel to Rome, a place where fewer individuals share my memories compared to Stepanakert. However, the route to Artsakh, only 328 km away, has been inaccessible for over seven months now. Artsakh is under blockade. However, it's not just Artsakh; the roads aren't blocked solely in their direction. The roads are obstructed for us as well. Why is it possible for me to travel to Rome but not to Stepanakert? Maybe if I were in Artsakh now, my heart would feel more at ease. However, this is not my story. This short piece is about my colleague, Tatevik Aghajanyan, who resides in Stepanakert, as well as to all those living in Artsakh, who steadfastly uphold the principle of self-determination. Tatevik Aghajanyan hails from the Khnushinak village, Martuni region, and currently resides in Stepanakert. The blockade weighs even heavier here than in the villages, as at least there people can cultivate gardens and obtain a modest harvest. Amidst the challenges of daily life and living conditions, there is an added layer of sadness stemming from being separated from loved ones. For over a month, Tatevik has been unable to visit her hometown due to the lack of transportation and fuel. Even when vehicles have managed to arrive from the village recently, it was risky to travel back to village with them: what if they would completely run out of fuel. My interlocutor works and lives in Stepanakert. A handful of berries from the village Communication issues are also prevalent in Artsakh. Maintaining communication with relatives through phone calls is not always feasible. Power outages not only impact electricity but also lead to issues with water supply. "Water pumps struggle to keep up with pumping water, resulting in periodic interruptions in the water supply. This happened after the war as well. The children come down to take water from the fountain in small bowls," sahres Tatevik, whose journalistic perspective has keenly observed numerous events unfolding outside.  While the blockade weighs heavily on the people, Tatevik is confident that the people in Artsakh are resilient and steadfast. It is just the scenes that are hard to witness.  "I was deeply moved when I saw a woman with tears in her eyes, observing the people waiting in line for bread. It's unfortunate that people have to wait for hours just to get a piece of bread," says Tatevik, noting that many choose not to go for bread, as waiting in line for hours under the scorching sun is incredibly challenging.  "It's somewhat easier for me to manage without bread since I'm alone and there are no children at home. If there's no bread for a day, I don't consider it a major issue for us. However, for those with multiple children at home, it's extremely challenging... Especially for those residing in Stepanakert, as they are unable to receive food supplies from the villages. I do not know how much longer this can last." Prior to the complete blockade, people were provided with coupons for purchasing goods, which have now become obsolete in the face of scarcity Tatevik believes that people have become more attentive to one another now. "One of my co-workers got sick, and despite everyone being aware of the scarcity in the shops, everyone brought something from home to give to her. They understand that there's insufficient food at her home as well," Tatevik shares. There are no flowers anymore so people gather what they have that can be of help and give one another.  The "bouquet" for Tatevik's Birthday Questions and discussions regarding medicines, proper nutrition, and essential supplies are becoming repetitive. The response remains consistent - there are none. So I ask Tatevik: what empowers you to persevere through these challenges? "I cannot living anywhere else. While in our own country, we endure. We will persist as much as we can. The crucial aspect is that we live here as Armenians; bread and hunger, though difficult, are not the primary focus," Tatevik responds with conviction. Since December 12, 2022, Azerbaijan has closed the only road connecting Artsakh to Armenia, the Lachin Corridor. On April 23, 2023,  the Azerbaijani side closed the Hakari bridge on the Artsakh-Armenia border, which was in the area of responsibility of the Russian peacekeeping troops in the Lachin corridor, thus deepening the humanitarian crisis. An Azerbaijani checkpoint was installed on the Hakari bridge. Since June 15 of this year, Azerbaijan has banned all humanitarian transportation through the Lachin Corridor. After that, the ICRC was only able to transport patients to Armenia a few times. On July 29, Azerbaijan kidnapped a 68-year-old citizen from the ICRC-mediated patient who was transferred to Armenia from the checkpoint near the Hakari bridge and took him to an unknown place. On August 1, Azerbaijani servicemen kidnapped another citizen who tried to go to Armenia on foot from the village of Hin Shen in Artsakh, his whereabouts are also unknown. Artsakh has almost completely run out of essential products and medicine. Coupons intended for buying food months ago are now useless because the stores are empty. People go out only to get bread. Artsakh has run out of fuel, public transport does not work at all, and private cars rarely move. The gas supply is regularly interrupted, and electricity is cut off. In Artsakh, 120 thousand people, including 30 thousand children, are under total blockade.   The photos are from Tatevik Aghajanyan's archive Hayarpi Baghdasaryan
18:17 - 06 August, 2023
"I will sleep hungry, I won't even eat sweets, but in exchange, I expect to live in my motherland, Artsakh" [Blockade from the inside]

"I will sleep hungry, I won't even eat sweets, but in exchange, I expect to live in my motherland, Artsakh" [Blockade from the inside]

Life seems to have stopped in Artsakh. Just like in the cartoon "Ice Age" when everything was frozen, it's kind of like that atmosphere. There is no movement, people cannot even move from one place to another. This is how the 22-year-old resident of Hatsi village of Martunu region, Tiruhi Gasparyan tells about the blockade of Artsakh. She tries her best to recall heart-warming moments. There's light inside the people, she says, everyone tries to help each other. "They share what they have, there is no egoism, and we all care and think about the people around us. Perhaps, that is what gives us the strength not to break down and be patient, not to give up, but to fight." Tiruhi Gasparyan Tiruhi has graduated from the Artsakh State University, Faculty of Tourism. For 2 years now, she has been working as a tour guide in the summer, and permanently in the Artsakh office of the National Armenian Educational and Cultural Union. Before the Artsakh blockade, she was also engaged in candle-making. Her candles had even got abroad, although she says, the blockade affected this as well. However, Tiruhi does not like to whine even in the most difficult situation. And that trait has also been strengthened thanks to this process, the growing care for each other. She tells that whoever has lots of cigarettes, shares with others so that they all smoke. It's strange, isn't it, that smoking is harmful to health, but who thinks about it at this crucial moment? Smoking is harmful, but there's a proverb (Armenian) that says getting into trouble with a friend turns into a wedding, so maybe friendship prolongs life. There is neither normal food nor sweets in Artsakh. If someone has a piece of chocolate or a piece of candy, they divide it into ten parts to make sure everyone gets a part. And on birthdays, instead of a cake, they put candles on a watermelon and knock on a relative's door at midnight. "We also give watermelon to the anniversary, soon watermelon will become a cult fruit for us, it saves us in any situation," Tiruhi jokes, "watermelon instead of bread, another watermelon instead of cake, watermelon instead of sweets..." We don't even talk about bread queues, everyone already knows that Artsakh people stand in line for hours for a piece of bread, not even knowing for sure whether they will get it or not. Except that it is more difficult in Stepanakert, at least people in the village have stored flour, they bake bread themselves. They also grow some fruits and vegetables in the gardens. This is how Tiruhi tells and immediately adds: "Actually, the situation is not that good, I just don't like to whine. I may stay hungry, the important thing is to be in my land." They have almost completely run out of tea, coffee, salt, and such things. Tiruhi says when she noticed that the supply of tea was getting little, she and her friend gathered plants and wild berries from their forest to make tea. Tiruhi recalls a warm memory from the days of the blockade when they visited the Amaras monastery as a group. "There is a kind old man there, the guardian of the monastery." Before the group entered the church to light a candle (I left early), we talked with him about various topics and walked around the monastery garden. He took out a sharp tool from his pocket and collected vegetables from the garden, saying: "Take it home to eat. You can even marinade it". On their way, they were also given warm, freshly baked bread in the village of Chartar. Tiruhi shows the photo of that day. In the conditions of regular lack of gas and electricity, people often have to cook on a wood stove in the heat of summer. At least they can do that in the village, but I wonder,  how do the residents of the Stepanakert do? Tiruhi keeps her mindset positive. She says it saves her in every trial. "Thanks to that trait, I am able to stand up again in very difficult situations and to have a positive influence on the people around me. I'll sleep hungry, I won't even eat sweets, convincing myself it's a diet of cutting down the sweets. But in exchange, I expect one thing: to live in my motherland - Artsakh. Trials and difficulties are also for humans. I love life, so I also love fighting for it. My only fear is the loss of my homeland and relatives. Nothing else matters". Since December 12, 2022, Azerbaijan closed the only road connecting Artsakh to Armenia, the Lachin Corridor. On April 23, 2023, the Azerbaijani side closed the Hakari bridge on the Artsakh-Armenia border, which was in the area of responsibility of the Russian peacekeeping troops, in the Lachin corridor, thus deepening the humanitarian crisis. An Azerbaijani checkpoint was installed on the Hakari bridge. Since June 15 of this year, Azerbaijan has banned all humanitarian transportation through the Lachin Corridor. After that, the ICRC was only able to transport patients to Armenia a few times. On July 29, Azerbaijan kidnapped a 68-year-old citizen from the ICRC-mediated patient who was being transferred to Armenia from the checkpoint near the Hakari bridge and took him to an unknown place. On August 1, Azerbaijani servicemen kidnapped another citizen who tried to go to Armenia on foot from the village of Hin Shen in Artsakh. His whereabouts are also unknown. Artsakh has almost completely run out of essential products and medicines. Coupons intended for buying food months ago are now useless because the stores are empty. People go out only to get bread. Artsakh has run out of fuel, public transport does not work at all, and private cars rarely move. The gas supply is regularly interrupted, and electricity is cut off. In Artsakh, 120 thousand people, including 30 thousand children, are under total blockade. Photos are from Tiruhi Gasparyan's archive Hayarpi Baghdasaryan
13:42 - 05 August, 2023
"The fact of Artsakh not being part of Azerbaijan is of greater importance than concerns about food." [Blockade from the inside]

"The fact of Artsakh not being part of Azerbaijan is of greater importance than concerns about food." [Blockade from the inside]

"The situation in Artsakh is deteriorating not just day by day, but hour by hour," says Zhanna Arzumanyan from Stepanakert. For someone who was born, raised, and currently resides in the capital of Artsakh, the thought of leaving their homeland is unimaginable. Even in the face of escalating hunger, medication shortages, and a challenging blockade, she prioritizes the fundamental right of the people of Artsakh to self-determination. "Either we defend ourselves or we'll be displaced, and it seems that self-determination does not happen without deprivation," she says. Zhanna Arzumanyan Arzumanyan notes that the cases of fainting are increasing, as well as among children and diabetics. Getting to medical centres became nearly impossible given the lack of fuel, and even if one manages to reach there, the medicines are often depleted. "Within two days, there might be nothing left in Artsakh at all. The only road connecting Artsakh to Armenia was completely closed in June, and during this time people used what they had stored, which is noraml," Zhanna says, worried that children are already showing signs of vitamin deficiency, and the impact of inadequate nutrition is becoming evident. "In these conditions, children's rights are violated, they are not having a normal childhood," Arzumanyan says, noting that her 13-year-old grandson sold his bicycle to buy coffee and cigarettes for the soldiers, although they've already run out of coffee. The boy bought a pack of cigarettes from one place and a block from another, and is waiting to send them. "Instead of enjoying childhood, children grow up prematurely..." Like everyone else in Artsakh, she receives bread with a coupon. Early in the morning, before the sun comes up, she has to go and wait for her turn to get at least a piece of bread. Zhanna's worried that Armenians lack unity now. "All of us must come together for one idea, hold hands and get out of this situation. I'm talking about unity among the entire Armenian nation, not only in Artsakh. We have to put all stereotypes aside, all political viewpoints and get down to serious business, because we don't reach anything by calling or writing posts and letters. Maybe we will get there tomorrow, but we need more serious steps today." Zhanna Arzumanyan, a member of the Artsakh Chamber of Advocates, knows that the difficult path they have gone through gives them strength."Several wars, so many young lost lives, so many feelings... How to leave Artsakh? How much blood has been put on this land so that Artsakh remains Armenian... Artsakh should not be part of Azerbaijan, and it's more important than thinking about food." Since December 12, 2022, Azerbaijan has closed the only road connecting Artsakh to Armenia, the Lachin Corridor. On April 23, 2023,  the Azerbaijani side closed the Hakari bridge on the Artsakh-Armenia border, which was in the area of responsibility of the Russian peacekeeping troops in the Lachin corridor, thus deepening the humanitarian crisis. An Azerbaijani checkpoint was installed on the Hakari bridge. Since June 15 of this year, Azerbaijan has banned all humanitarian transportation through the Lachin Corridor. After that, the ICRC was only able to transport patients to Armenia a few times. On July 29, Azerbaijan kidnapped a 68-year-old citizen from the ICRC-mediated patient who was transferred to Armenia from the checkpoint near the Hakari bridge and took him to an unknown place. On August 1, Azerbaijani servicemen kidnapped another citizen who tried to go to Armenia on foot from the village of Hin Shen in Artsakh, his whereabouts are also unknown. Artsakh has almost completely run out of essential products and medicine. Coupons intended for buying food months ago are now useless because the stores are empty. People go out only to get bread. Artsakh has run out of fuel, public transport does not work at all, and private cars rarely move. The gas supply is regularly interrupted, and electricity is cut off. In Artsakh, 120 thousand people, including 30 thousand children, are under total blockade.   The photos are from Zhanna Arzumanyna's archive Hayarpi Baghdasaryan
23:56 - 04 August, 2023
"So that our "bread" doesn't turn into "хлеб" (Russian for bread): Grandmother from Artsakh wants her grandchildren to grow up in the homeland

"So that our "bread" doesn't turn into "хлеб" (Russian for bread): Grandmother from Artsakh wants her grandchildren to grow up in the homeland

I enter the house of my neighbors to bid farewell as I'm moving from the village to Stepanakert. And I decide to record my conversation with Zabel, who was my grandmother in Artsakh for two years and the only woman who was allowed to get angry with me when I didn't eat well or didn't leave the house for days. Zabella Adamyan is a resident of Mokhratagh village, Martakert region, Artsakh. Many years ago, following her marriage to Donik, she relocated here from the Zaglik community of the same region. She has three children, lives with her husband, son's family - three granddaughters. Donik, Zabella's husband I enter the house the moment they are discussing how to get to Martakert to buy shoes for school-age grandchildren. There is no alternative to walking 8-9 km to the regional center, because they will not find a car, and there are only a few pairs of children's shoes left in the city, so they should buy them so that the girls won't be without new shoes come September. Zabella notes with pain that during the years when her children were the same age as her grandchildren now, it was the period of the first Artsakh war. Even if shoes could be found, they didn't have money to afford them. His children took turns wearing the same pair of shoes. Now, after all these years, when it seemed they had established a somewhat wealthy life, they have money but there are no shoes. In terms of food, the situation is less extreme compared to Stepanakert.  "Thank God, currently our family is not facing the problem of starving. At one point we used our coupons to buy food, there is still some. Our small garden is full of vegetables: beans, potatoes, zucchini, greens. However, adults often refrain from eating to ensure there's enough for the children. We bought a kg of candy back then, and now we give one piece a day to children, we don't eat so that it lasts a little longer," says Zabella. She recalls facing numerous challenges in the past, where a single piece of candy had to be shared among three children. As a result, she's become more cautious and has saved some sweets to ensure her grandchildren don't experience the same hardships. Zabella's yard "It's a pity there is no fruit, we are short of fruits. There is none, because most of it came from Armenia, but whatever was growing here, a hailstorm swept away the entire harvest," she says. As for her one-year-old granddaughter, due to the scarcity of baby food, she is mostly given what the rest of the family eats, or they slaughter a chicken and use the meat sparingly, reserving it mainly for the baby. Zabel notes with sadness that at times, her other granddaughters express a desire for meat soup, but they feel compelled to ensure there's enough left for their younger sister. Zabella's granddaughters and my best friends, Mane and Meline Azerbaijanis have never lived in Mokhratagh village, where my neighbor currently resides. The village was exclusively inhabited by Armenians. However, in her native Zaglik village, both Armenians and Azerbaijanis used to live alongside each other. "Our village and a Turkish village, Umutlu, were an international community. A Turk would always be appointed as the leader, and the one carrying out all the heavy work would be an Armenian. Once, instead of my mother, we went to pick corn seeds. We worked quickly, we probably collected fifty kg in one day, and the Turks came with a mattress, sat down, and collected a handful of corn. At the end of the month, we see that the Turks have received more money than we did. We have always suffered in every way, whereas the good work was theirs," Zabella recalls, adding that the school was also international, where the director was a Turk, the military instructor, and the PE teacher were all Turks. They would not appoint Armenians. "Our Armenian school was a single-story building with several small classrooms. Theirs was an adjacent, two-story big school. We would always feel the difference. We were not afraid of each other, at that time there was no such thing as being afraid of Turks, we lived with each other, but we have always felt that we were treated differently. For example, If an Armenian would offend a Turk, the next day they would either steal the livestock or harm your children at school, they would definitely do something," she says. She does not deny that they were neighbors with Azerbaijanis, they had acquaintances who would visit for both joyous and somber occasions, but she also recalls this story: "In the 90s, a doctor from Haterk was kidnapped and taken away. And there they had clearly told him that on the day of the Armenian Genocide, they should take an Armenian's head and put it in front of their mullah. We were kids, and we would hear that an Armenian disappeared from time to time in different places, and, we did not know what was happening. Then women from Haterk kidnapped people from Omon, took Russians as "captives", and released that doctor. Later he told all this and that's how we learned what the Turks did." She also remembers that it was especially difficult to deal with fanatical Muslims. "We had a Turkish acquaintance, we went to his son's party, and my mom was supposed to be the cook. An old lady came and said they wouldn't eat a meal cooked by an Armenian. Mom said they should make their own meal then. But the younger generation was not like that. Although it was not customary for them to eat pork and fish, coming to our house, they would ask my mom to cook some fish." I don't even manage to interrupt my beloved grandmother when she answers, preventing my expected question. "Not now, at present, living together is entirely impossible, and it's difficult to even envision. No integration, they only want our land, they don't want us. Living with them, being a part of them, is simply not feasible." Zabella Adamyan holds onto the hope that they will remain in their homes and continue to be the rightful owners of their land. "There are people who are thinking about leaving, they sell their goods, and we buy them," she chuckles bitterly and notes that the children must not forget the language of Karabakh. "In the 90s, when we had to flee, my children were around the same age as my grandchildren are now. While all our relatives went to Russia, I did not want my children's language to change. We stayed in Armenia and returned to Artsakh. In the same manner, I don't want my grandchildren to live elsewhere, so that... our bread doesn't turn into "хлеб" (Russian for bread)," concludes my beloved babo (grandma) from Artsakh. Astghik Keshishyan
21:57 - 04 August, 2023
"My grandmother has cancer, we can't get her to Stepanakert, and we have run out of medicine" [Blockade from the inside]

"My grandmother has cancer, we can't get her to Stepanakert, and we have run out of medicine" [Blockade from the inside]

Blockade....day unknown.  Following hours of patient waiting, the family of seven was handed a solitary loaf of bread yesterday. "We didn’t have bread for breakfast. My elder brother stood in the queue, returning with just one loaf. What good does one loaf do for a family our size?" says Alyona Sayiyan, a 19-year-old resident of the Martakert City of Artsakh who lives with her two siblings and soldier parents. Alyona describes the situation in Artsakh as dire. Bread alone proves insufficient; there is no fuel, fruits and vegetables. "Due to the power outages, bakeries don’t have enough time to bake bread, hence lines get formed. Someone goes, waits patiently, and secures their ration. Others, less fortunate, repeat the cycle over and over until they obtain their share of bread a little bit later. However, today coupons were distributed, and people were reported that the store now receives bread for precisely the number of families who make purchases there," says Alyona with the hope that this arrangement can potentially reduce the need to endure hours of waiting in lines. Also, as she notes, a record will be made on the calendar indicating whether the family obtained bread on that specific day or not. Alyona expresses her concern about the upcoming winter, foreseeing heightened challenges. "In the past, engines operated, communication flowed, and flour could be transported from the city. However, with winter approaching, the situation will likely become considerably more challenging." Compared to Stepanakert, in Martakert the situation is not yet catastrophic in terms of food, because people have their yards, where they grow potatoes, beans, tomatoes, and greens. Yet, unfortunately, medical supplies are running dangerously low. It seems that over the past few days, people have exhausted whatever supplies they had. On top of this, Alyona's grandmother is grappling with serious health issues. "My grandmother is ill, she’s fighting cancer, and getting her to Stepanakert is proving extremely challenging. The medications she requires are exorbitantly expensive. At a certain period, the initial batch of medicines arrived through the Russian peacekeepers, but that supply has now depleted. We need to take her to the city for a CT scan to assess the disease's progression and determine the necessary treatment. However, the lack of fuel and transportation, coupled with the exhaustion of CT materials, is a major hindrance," Alyona discloses. Alyona and her grandmother have deliberated on the option of seeking assistance from the ICRC to facilitate a transfer to Armenia. Yet, she's plagued by worries that if they do leave for Yerevan, they might not be allowed to return. Worse yet, there's the unsettling possibility of abduction by Azerbaijani forces, as they've recently apprehended two other citizens of Artsakh. "My grandmother's perspective is that it's preferable to remain with her family rather than embark on a journey with uncertainty about the ability to return. She lived through the 90s in Artsakh and experienced the wars of 2016 and 2020, alongside her grandfather, a veteran of the first war." Access to hospitals has become increasingly challenging, leading some people to skip their prescribed treatments. This could potentially result in a rise in mortality rates over time. "Children are visibly losing weight due to vitamin deficiencies," Alyona points out. She recalls that one of the most heart-wrenching incidents during the blockade, one that shook the community to its core, was the tragic passing of two children from Martakert. "The incident deeply affected most of us. I used to run into those children frequently while commuting to Stepanakert... We were deeply affected by it. We often worry that we might not be able to provide something for our child tomorrow, given how exceedingly tough the situation has become..." Alyona recalls a period during the blockade when she managed to transport a few liters of milk to Stepanakert. The memory of seeing several elderly people at the store, unable to access dairy, left a lasting impact on her. She finds herself pondering why people haven't exerted more effort given the hardships they've endured. Alyona’s family owns an animal farm, hence during the blockade, she took the initiative to attend courses and has already commenced milk production, which she views as a silver lining amidst these challenging times. Alyona made a significant decision during the blockade. She got engaged and together with her fiancé, they decided that their children should be born and live in Artsakh. Alyona emphasizes that they've gone through several wars, overcome countless obstacles, and now, they can't simply give up. While she had contemplated studying abroad at one point, the recent war underscored that Artsakh needs for people. Alyona is currently pursuing her studies at Shushi University of Technology, specializing in veterinary medicine. Although she originally aspired to become a food safety expert, there was no such faculty at the university. This circumstance did not depress her though. She is committed to excelling in her chosen field, recognizing the vital need for her expertise in Artsakh. Since December 12, 2022, Azerbaijan has closed the only road connecting Artsakh to Armenia, the Lachin Corridor. On April 23, 2023,  the Azerbaijani side closed the Hakari bridge on the Artsakh-Armenia border, which was in the area of responsibility of the Russian peacekeeping troops in the Lachin corridor, thus deepening the humanitarian crisis. An Azerbaijani checkpoint was installed on the Hakari bridge. Since June 15 of this year, Azerbaijan has banned all humanitarian transportation through the Lachin Corridor. After that, the ICRC was only able to transport patients to Armenia a few times. On July 29, Azerbaijan kidnapped a 68-year-old citizen from the ICRC-mediated patient who was transferred to Armenia from the checkpoint near the Hakari bridge and took him to an unknown place. On August 1, Azerbaijani servicemen kidnapped another citizen who tried to go to Armenia on foot from the village of Hin Shen in Artsakh, his whereabouts are also unknown. Artsakh has almost completely run out of essential products and medicine. Coupons intended for buying food months ago are now useless because the stores are empty. People go out only to get bread. Artsakh has run out of fuel, public transport does not work at all, and private cars rarely move. The gas supply is regularly interrupted, and electricity is cut off. In Artsakh, 120 thousand people, including 30 thousand children, are under total blockade.   Photos are from Alyona Sayiyan's archive Hayarpi Baghdasaryan    
01:26 - 04 August, 2023
Surviving Adversity. Anush Andryan's Family Confronts Blockade, Malnourishment, and the Fear of Their Child's Cancer Reactivation [Blockade from the Inside]

Surviving Adversity. Anush Andryan's Family Confronts Blockade, Malnourishment, and the Fear of Their Child's Cancer Reactivation [Blockade from the Inside]

Due to the 44-day war, the extensive family of Anush Andryan lost their house in Taghaser village of Hadrut region, Artsakh. Anush, her husband and six children currently live in Stepanakert, in a guest house allocated by the state. Today, because of the blockade, Anush's children are malnourished and the health of the 9-year-old girl, who has survived cancer, is at risk. To ensure her recovery goes smoothly, it's crucial to conduct regular medical checkups and provide the necessary PET/CT examination, which can only be conducted in Armenia or another country. Nvard during her treatment "My daughter has serious health problems, and that's our primary concern. She had a malignant tumor that was successfully treated in Yerevan, and currently, she's under close observation. While there are CT facilities here, the medical team insists on a PET/CT scan, which unfortunately isn't accessible in Artsakh, and we can't take her to Yerevan. We can find PET/CT services in Armenia or Georgia, but they are not available here in Artsakh. Her tumor is of the type where cell activity is shown only during checkups. My daughter is now in the conservative stage but the lack of proper nutrition is worrisome. She needs essential vitamins, and it's crucial to ensure she receives proper food, as any nutritional deficiency may trigger the tumor's reactivation," says Anush, the mother of 9-year-old Nvard. She notes that through the mediation of ICRC, it's not possible to take the kid to Yerevan alone, as people are not transported without the accompaniment of an adult. Anush doesn't have any relatives in Artsakh to leave her five children with while she travels to Armenia for an uncertain period of time. Her husband is a soldier in the Armed Forces and is on duty, making it difficult for him to be with the children regularly. Anush with her children "The situation is absolutely dire. We spend hours in lines just to buy something for our children to eat. There is no meat most of the time, or if there is, it is too expensive, 5000 AMD and even more for 1kg. We wait in lines the whole day and there is nothing in the shops, absolutely nothing. You can't find even yogurt or sour cream on these hot days, this is the situation we live in. Can you imagine that we don't even have salt anymore? We survive on boiled potatoes or beans as there are no other options available. My children are very upset; my youngest one yearns for candy, but we can't find any. Sweets, a simple pleasure, are now a luxury we cannot access," says Anush, and after our call immediately shares a photo of kids gathered next to her. The youngest daughter, Mane, is 7 years old, Alvard is 12, Gor is 13, Edmon is 16, and Mkhitar has just turned 18. He will be drafted into the army and the family is waiting for the notification. From left to right: Alvard, Nvard, Mane, Edmon Throughout the entire day yesterday, Anush was unable to buy bread. She endured waiting in line until 10 PM and was the 500th person in line (people are issued numbers on paper to buy bread).  "I couldn't get bread until ten at night, and then I passed the paper to my seven-year-old daughter, who waited for an hour. Luckily, with the help of some kind people, they managed to provide her with a small amount of bread, and she brought it home," Anush says, noting that the process of baking and distributing bread has improved slightly, allowing them to buy a small quantity of bread now. In the past few days, the production of bread in Artsakh has reduced, driven by a notable rise in its demand. Flour mills that produce flour from harvested wheat are facing challenges due to the high humidity of the wheat caused by recent precipitation. This has resulted in a slower flour production process and the need for additional drying work. However, the Village and Agriculture Support Fund of Artsakh has assured that emergency measures are being taken to address the bread shortage, and the situation will be gradually resolved. Nvard, a mother of six children, is deeply concerned about her kids’ emotional well-being, too. She reveals that her children get scared every time they hear loud sounds. "Just yesterday, a person in the bread line couldn’t get bread, so he vented his frustration by firing a machine gun in the square. My children were terrified, thinking another war had erupted. It's a terrible situation...That man is a father of several children eagerly waiting for him to return home with bread. Frustrated by his inability to get bread, he took the steps he did… For a brief moment, even I thought that a war had started. Given the age of my young children, how they couldn’t get frightened because of the gunshots?   The conversation ends with bitter sighs. Since December 12, 2022, Azerbaijan has closed the only road connecting Artsakh to Armenia - the Lachin corridor. On April 23, 2023, the Azerbaijani side blocked the Hakari Bridge on the Artsakhi-Armenian border, an area under the responsibility of the Russian peacekeeping contingent in the Lachin corridor. This action further exacerbated the existing humanitarian crisis. An Azerbaijani checkpoint has been established on the Hakari bridge. Since June 15, Azerbaijan has imposed a complete ban on all humanitarian transportation along the Lachin corridor. After that, the ICRC was only able to transport patients from Artsakh to the Republic of Armenia on a few occasions.  On July 29, Azerbaijan abducted a 68-year-old citizen, who was being transferred to Armenia with the mediation of the ICRC for treatment, at a checkpoint near the Hakari bridge and transported him to an unknown location. On August 1, Azerbaijani servicemen abducted another citizen who was attempting to travel on foot from the Artsakh village of Hin Shen to Armenia. As of now, his whereabouts remain unknown.   Essential food and medicines are almost completely depleted in Artsakh. The coupons issued months ago for purchasing products have become worthless, given the emptiness of the stores. People go out only to buy bread. Artsakh has run out of fuel, resulting in the complete halt of public transport. Private cars rarely operate due to the scarcity of fuel. Gas supply experiences periodic interruptions, there are frequent power outages. A total of 120 thousand people, including 30 thousand children, are currently under a complete blockade in Artsakh. The photos were provided by Anush Andryan Hayarpi Baghdasaryan
18:04 - 03 August, 2023